Showing posts with label Jury Trials. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Jury Trials. Show all posts

24 July 2024

Courts v. Politics

There are two main kinds of input we receive from the general public in the U.S.

One is through elections. Access to information about the candidates is mostly superficial, the responsibility of the voter, completely unregulated for truth, involves candidates self-selected for a desire for power, and involves voters who choose to participate on a basis in a way that over represents the least moderate people in the population.

One is through juries. Access to information about the decisions to be made is in depth, the responsibility of people trying to persuade the voter, tightly regulated, involves parties who didn't plan on being in this situation when the event giving rise to the case began, and involves jurors who were required to participate and were chosen to be the most moderate people in the jury pool.

There is a fair case to be made that juries make better decisions than voters do.

23 July 2024

Twelve Common Misconceptions About The Law

1. All laws are crimes. 

The law regulates lots of conduct that is not punishable by incarceration or a punitive criminal fine. Lots of laws, instead, make one person responsible for paying damages to another person if their rights of violated. For example, broken promises are almost never crimes. Other laws, like property and inheritance laws, define people's rights in the absence of misconduct. 

2. Statements from interested parties aren't proof. 

Sworn testimony from anyone, even someone with an interest in a case, is proof. Many cases in the U.S. are decided based upon sworn testimony from a single witness without any corroboration. 

3. The law is deterministic. 

Many people believe that the law establishes one right answer that is, in theory at least, knowable if you know all the facts. But, in reality, in many areas of the law, there are "standards" that provide broad, non-fact specific guidance on how to resolve legal disputes that have to be applied on a case-by-case basis. For example, it is not possible to know in advance how a claim to recover damages for "negligence" will be decided, or which spouse will get what property, in advance, in close cases, even if you know all the facts. The law is more like quantum mechanics, where the true state of a system isn't knowable until it is observed and is uncertain, than it is like classical physics. 

4. Judges are umpires. 

Judges have considerable discretion in decision-making. Often, there are multiple outcomes which a judge could legally determine which would be upheld on appeal. There is considerable room for a judge's worldview, norms, biases, and preferences to influence a judge's decision. This is also true, to a lesser extent, for juries. 

5. Words always mean the same thing. 

In the law, the meaning of words, including legal terms of art, is context specific. A word can mean one thing in one statute, a different thing in another statute, and a third thing when used in a particular way in a particular contract. Even in contracts, the same words don't always mean the same thing in every contract. 

6. The law is universal. 

The law is different in different places. The law in Ohio or France is not necessary the same as the law in Michigan or England. Even in a single place, the law is constantly changing as appellate courts make new legal precedents, legislators pass new laws, and government officials adopt new regulations.

7. All laws are statutes.

In the U.S., we have what is called a "common law" legal system, which means that many areas of law are governed by court decisions in areas where they have no statutory guidance. Many laws are also subject to regulations and other binding executive branch legal determinations.

8. The correct law to apply to an event is clear. 

Particularly in contexts like interactions on the Internet, there are multiple plausible place's laws that could apply to a case. You often can't know in advance which place's law will apply and the law that applies to a situation could be different for different issues in the same case. Sometimes the laws of multiple law makers apply simultaneously, for example, when you must obey both federal law and state law at the same time. There is also often not just one court or tribunal where a legal issue can be tried. 

9. Evidence presented at a trial can be corrected or supplemented later. 

In U.S. law, once all evidence and arguments are presented at a trial, this is, to a draconian extent that can only rarely be corrected, all that you can say about a case. Once a trial is over, you can't go back and provide more evidence, or correct errors in the testimony that was presented. In many kinds of cases, you must finally determine which evidence you will or will not use at trial well in advance of the trial itself and can't even supplement it at trial because you realize that some other evidence would have been helpful to present. Likewise, usually, you can't raise new legal argument on an appeal that you failed to make at trial. 

10. An appeal can correct any error made at trial. 

In U.S. law, trial court decisions are mainly subject to appeal only if the court decides a legal issue that was presented to it at trial incorrectly in a way that influenced the outcome of the case. Mistakes made by a trial court about the facts can be corrected on appeal only if they are extreme and the facts that were actually presented at trial were almost completely contrary to how the court ruled. 

11. Every wrong has a meaningful legal remedy.

Many things which are a morally wrong, or even violate a clearly stated law, can't be remedied legally. Sometimes a statute of limitations bars relief. Sometimes no one has enough of a personalized interest that is harmed by the law to bring a lawsuit to enforce it. Some laws simply state a legal principle without having any penalty attached (like adultery in Colorado for decades before it was finally removed from the law books). Other times only partial compensation or relief is possible, or legal remedies exist but they are so costly to utilize that any benefit you might receive is outweighed by the cost of enforcing your rights.

12. Talking to people isn't billable legal work. 

A huge share of the work done by lawyers is talking to their clients, talking to other lawyers and staff in their own law firms, talking to other lawyers, and talking to other people related to the case. A phone call with a client is almost always billable legal work. So is an office conference with another lawyer or staff person in the law firm. Billable legal work is not only final transactional documents produced, documents filed in court, or appearances in court. The behind the scenes analysis and discussion of your legal issues by a lawyer is frequently the most valuable part of the services that a lawyer provides. In a related point, lawyers don't, and aren't expected to, know all of the relevant law from memory. Legal research is routinely part of the work provided by a lawyer.

01 July 2024

SCOTUS v. Federal Regulators

In the last few days, SCOTUS has made three rulings that seriously weaken the federal administrative state.

In Corner Post, Inc. v. Board of Governors, No. 22-1008, it effectively eliminated the six year statute of limitations for facial challenges to federal regulations, in Loper Bright Enterprises v. Raimondo, No. 22-451, it ended Chevron deference to administrative agency interpretations of federal statutes through regulations, and in SEC v. Jarkesy, No. 22-859 it has ended the ability of federal agencies to impose civil fines through administrative hearings - requiring jury trials in federal district courts instead (contrary to more than 200 federal statutes enacted after SCOTUS approved the practice).

The current ultraconservative court has taken other steps to weaken federal regulatory agencies in the past, but these three cases together are a revolution in federal administrative law that greatly weaken the power of the federal government to enforce federal laws.

For example, in the past week it also decided Ohio v. Environmental Protection Agency, No. 23A349, which ordered a stay of enforcement of certain federal environmental regulations in the face of a dubious challenge to them. This decision, on its face, however, has less broad implications.

01 June 2023

Jury Trials in England And Wales And The United States

In England and Wales, jury trials are available in moderately serious felony cases tried in the Crown Courts, and in cases involving defamation, fraud, false imprisonment and malicious prosecution brought in either the King's Bench High Court or in County Court.

In 2022, England and Wales had about 26,303 criminal jury trials in Crown Court, and about 10 civil jury trials (out of something on the order of 400 or fewer cases filed that year in cases where jury trials are available). Jury trials in England and Wales are by juries of twelve in Crown Court criminal cases and High Court civil cases, and by juries of eight in County Court civil cases where there is a right to a jury trial (probably not more than one every year or two).

In the U.S. felony jury trials are generally to juries of twelve jurors, but lesser criminal charges and civil cases sometimes, but not always, have smaller juries, depending on the jurisdiction involved and the nature of the case.

On a per capita basis, as of 2022, England and Wales has about three times as many felony jury trials as the U.S. does (at both the state and local and at the federal level combined), and about three hundred times fewer civil jury trials than the U.S., again at the state and local and at the federal level combined. The higher rate of felony jury trials in England and Wales largely reflects a lower rate of guilty pleas and plea bargaining there.

Jury trials in England and Wales are conducted by barristers for both the prosecution or plaintiff, and for the defense (except in rare cases of self-represented parties). Solicitors in England and Wales don't conduct jury trials, nor do they conduct bench trials in the higher courts.

Less than 1.5% of criminal jury trials in the U.S. are conducted in federal court. About 7.5% of civil jury trials in the U.S. are conducted in federal court. Trials of civil cases with small amounts in controversy are overwhelmingly conducted via bench trials in state and local courts of limited jurisdiction. These low stakes bench trials are vastly more common than state or federal civil jury trials.

About two-thirds of U.S. civil jury trials are in personal injury cases, about 10% are in termination of parental rights cases, and about 25% are in other civil matters such as civil rights cases, fraud cases, and breach of contract cases. 

Civil jury trials make up about one in six U.S. jury trials (i.e. a little more than 16%), but only about one in 2,600 jury trials in England and Wales.

About half of criminal jury trials conducted in the U.S. are in misdemeanor and traffic cases, while jury trials are not conducted in less serious criminal cases in England and Wales which are handled in the Magistrate's Courts.

Overall, England and Wales actually has about 25% more jury trials per capita than the U.S. does. This largely reflects the fact that a far larger proportion of felony criminal cases in England and Wales go to trial than in the U.S. where felony criminal cases are much more likely to be plea bargained. England and Wales expressly limits the sentencing consequences of going to trial rather than pleading guilty, and also has shorter maximum sentences for comparable crimes in most cases.

In the federal courts and about half of all U.S. states, felonies must be commenced via a grand jury indictment (which is typically a jury of 23 people with 12 votes in favor required to indite). The other half of U.S. states use grand jury indictments primarily in cases involving organized crime or public officials that make up perhaps 1-2% of the total number of prosecutions in those states each year. 

England and Wales no longer has grand juries, although, on some occasions it does convene a coroner's jury when the cause of death of an individual is in doubt and the coroner wants to involve the general public to make the process more transparent. This is also done infrequently in a small number of U.S. states.

The jury trial rate in the U.S. is based upon Colorado state court jury trial statistics for 2022 and national federal court jury trial statistics for 2022.

Colorado had 794 state felony jury trials, 478 state misdemeanor jury trials, and 342 state traffic case jury trials. Colorado had 12 state court felony bench trials, 124 quasi-criminal juvenile delinquency bench trials, 53 state court misdemeanor bench trials, 49 state court traffic bench trials, and 574 quasi-criminal infraction bench trials.

There were also a modest number of municipal court ordinance violation jury trials in Colorado for which good statistics are not compiled on a statewide basis for its 215 some municipal courts (most with very few cases that go to trial, mostly in traffic cases and minor misdemeanor equivalent cases, maximum sentences are capped at one year in jail or fines of up to $1,000 in Colorado's municipal courts). 

Colorado had 248 state court of general jurisdiction civil jury trials (about 75% in personal injury cases), 13 county court (limited jurisdiction up to $25,000 in controversy) civil jury trials, and 32 termination of parental rights case jury trials. Colorado had 233 general jurisdiction court civil bench trials. Colorado has 672 limited jurisdiction court civil bench trials, and 1,572 small claims court civil bench trials.

Nationally, in the United States in the year 2022, there were 1,268 federal court criminal jury trials, 194 federal court criminal bench trials, 1,348 federal court civil jury trials, and 639 federal court civil bench trials.

These statistics on bench trials omit many evidentiary hearings in state and federal court that are similar to bench trials, for example, in domestic relations, probate, and bankruptcy cases.

In a February 24, 2006 post, I looked in more detail at a national sample of U.S. jury trials and at the likelihood of different kinds of cases being resolved with jury trials:

A national sample of civil jury trials breaks down the cases by type. About 78% of civil jury trials are in "tort" cases, most of which involve physical injuries, shown below by type of case (with a percent of the total number of all civil jury trials in that kind of case):

Automobile Accidents 31.98%
Dangerous Premises 16.10% (e.g. slip and fall cases)
Medical Malpractice 11.39%
Intentional Torts 3.64% (e.g. civil damages for assault)
Product Liability 3.06%
Toxic Substances 2.08%
Professional Malpractice 1.52% (other than medical)
Slander and Libel 0.54%
Other Tort or Unknown 7.68%

Civil jury trials making up 19.2% of the total number involve people in contractual relationships with each other. About 10.41% of the total number of civil jury trials involve suits between buyers and sellers, about 2.83% involve employment cases, about 2.68% of the total number of civil jury trials involve fraud, about 1.21% involve leases, about 0.06% involve mortgages, and about 2.04% involve other kinds of contract cases.

About 2.4% of jury trials are in real estate cases, three-quarters of which are suits to determine the fair market value of property seized by eminent domain by a government agency (about half of the rest concern disputes over who owns real estate). About 0.38% were incapable of being classified.

If Colorado is typical of the national pattern (I suspect it isn't that far from the national average) this means that 83% of jury trials are criminal (we know this), 13% of jury trials are in tort cases (about 260), and 4% of jury trials are in other kinds of civil cases (about 83 per year).

So, how often do different kinds of cases go to juries:

* Civil Tort in General Jurisdiction Court 423 per 10,000 cases (based on 6,142 such cases per year and 78% of 334 civil jury trials).
* Felony 150 per 10,000 cases
* Misdemeanor 80 per 10,000 cases
* Traffic 20 per 10,000 cases
* Non-Tort Civil Cases in General Jurisdiction Court 17 per 10,000 cases (excluding domestic, juvenile, mental health and probate cases).
* Civil Cases in Limited Jurisdiction Court 1 per 10,000 cases

The jury trial rate in felony cases also is likely quite different between more serious cases (where the jury trial rate is likely to be higher) and less serious ones (where the jury trial rate is likely to be lower).

According to a post at this blog on May 23, 2011, based upon the Annual Report of the Colorado Supreme Court from 2010, in that year (with some minor editing):

There were 13,860 domestic relations hearings in District Court: 13,487 permanent orders hearings in dissolution of marriage cases, 202 legal separation hearings, and 171 invalidity of marriage hearings. Note that almost every dissolution of marriage or legal separation of invalidity of marriage case where children are involved must be concluded with a hearing, even if the cases are uncontested. So this doesn't necessary capture the full number of active litigations in these cases.

There were 183 mental health hearings in District Court: 49 for involuntary commitment for alcohol treatment, 78 long term certification hearings, and 56 short term certification hearings.

There were 2,729 probate hearings: 430 for combined conservatorships and guardianships, 614 for conservatorships without guardianships, 1,517 for guardianships without conservatorships, 137 for the formal probate of a will, 11 for will contests, and 20 hearings related to trusts. Many of the conservatorship, guardianship and formal probate cases are not genuinely contested but do require in court testimony to establish the faces beyond mere affidavits.

A November 17, 2006 post at this blog noted that 58% of federal court trials are 1-3 days long, 94% of federal trials are no more than 9 days long (typically two weeks), and 98% of federal trials (including a civil cases) are no more than 19 days long (typically four weeks).


Criminal
1-3 days - 24
4-9 days - 10
10-19 days - 1
20+ days - 2

Civil
1-3 days - 42
4-9 days - 31
10-19 days - 4
20+ days - 0

15 May 2023

What Do Colorado Attorneys Do?

It is helpful now and then to examine the relative importance of different kinds of practices that lawyers in Colorado engage in to understand the "typical" kinds of legal practices out there. 


From the 2022 Annual Report of Colorado's Office of Attorney Regulation Counsel.

A very large share of all criminal litigation in the state, which makes up a large share of all court business, is conducted by lawyers who work in a DA's office (15% of government lawyers) or a public defender's office (13% of government lawyers), of whom there are about 1,355 combined out of about 29,000 active lawyers in the state (about 5%).

A few criminal cases are handled by the state attorney-general's office (with 430 attorneys), and some ordinance violation cases are handled by city attorneys (357 attorneys, mostly part-time), and county attorneys (242 attorneys, many part-time in smaller counties), but the lion's share of the criminal case work is done by the DA's office and the public defender's office. There are some criminal defendants who are represented by private criminal defense attorneys, but these defendants are definitely a minority of all criminal defendants.

A very large share of all jury trials in the state are in criminal cases, which are mostly handled by a tiny percentage of all lawyers in the state. As noted here:
For example, in 2006 in Colorado, in state courts there were 1,776 criminal or quasi-criminal jury trials (plus about 35 quasi-criminal parental rights termination jury trials). . . . In federal court, there were 22 criminal jury trials. . . . 

As of 2006, there were 337 civil jury trials, about 240 of which were in tort cases (the vast majority of which involve personal injuries in accidents), and about 97 of which were in other matters: 

There were just 17 limited jurisdiction civil trials in state court. . . . About 54% of civil trials in federal court (43 jury trials and 36 bench trials) and 50% civil trials in general jurisdiction state courts were to juries (277 jury trials and 280 bench trials), with about 75% [of civil jury trials] in tort cases)[.]

Of course, the vast majority of litigated case of all types are resolved without trials, either by a default judgment, in motion practice, by settlement, or by a guilty plea.

31 December 2022

Unlike Louisiana, Oregon Does The Right Thing

The Oregon Supreme Court has given retroactive effect to the Ramos Sixth Amendment jury unanimity rule, two months after the Louisiana Supreme Court refused to do so.

Oregon and Louisiana were the only two U.S. states that had permitted non-unanimous juries in criminal cases, which the U.S. Supreme Court held in Ramos were unconstitutional. But the U.S. Supreme Court later held that the new rule did not have retroactive effect as a matter of federal law, leaving open the question of whether state constitutional law compelled a retroactive result.

Oregon's departing Governor has also commuted the sentences of all of the state's death row inmates.

28 November 2022

Civil Jury Trials In Common Law Countries Outside The U.S.

A report on civil jury trials in British Columbia provides some insight in the practice in Canada. (British Columbia and Colorado both have about 5 million people.) In that province, there are an average of 24 civil jury trials each year (1-3 of which are not motor vehicle accident cases in a typical year).

From the beginning of 2015/16 to the end of 2019/20 inclusive, jury notices were filed in 21,374 actions in British Columbia. In the same period covering five fiscal years, 120 civil jury trials were completed. 

In that time period 19,939 demands (93.3%) were made in motor vehicle accident cases, 1430 were made in general civil cases, 4 were made in family law cases, and 1 was made in a foreclosure case. About 80% of the demands were made in Vancouver or Westminster courts. 

In the ten year period ending on the same date, "238 civil jury trials took place between 2010/11 and 2019/20, representing approximately 30 per cent of all jury trials in the province. Undoubtedly the greatest number by far of civil jury filings and jury trials take place in Vancouver and New Westminster. Twelve Supreme Court registries in British Columbia had no civil jury trials whatsoever." A median B.C. civil jury trial takes nine days and the mean duration is ten days. There have been only two in the last ten years that took more than four weeks.

Québec abolished civil juries in 1976. In other provinces, jury trial is typically available at the option of a party in specific causes of action: defamation, malicious arrest, malicious prosecution, and false imprisonment. They are also available in actions for seduction, criminal conversation, and breach of promise of marriage in provinces that still permit those causes of action. Several provinces restrict jury trial in other civil matters to actions in which the amount in issue exceeds a specified value threshold.

The right to a jury trial is broader in Yukon, the Northwest Territories, Nunavut, Alberta, and Ontario, although in Ontario the amount in controversy must exceed $200,000 Canadian dollars v. $75,000 in Alberta v. $1,000 in the other jurisdictions. 

In the England and Wales the civil jury trial right is narrow and this is also the case in New Zealand and some but not all Australian states and territories. There are no civil jury trials in South Australia or the Australian Capital Territory. New South Wales, Victoria, Queensland, and Tasmania have relatively broad civil jury trial rights.

By comparison, in Colorado, in 2006, there were 337 civil jury trials in a single year, which is typical, more than thirteen times as many per capita as British Columbia.

The situation in civil cases, which 15% of all jury trials are conducted, is more comparable between the federal and state system. There were just 17 limited jurisdiction civil trials in state court (v. 1236 bench trials and 3485 small claims bench trials) with jury trials making up just 1% of state court trials and where trials themselves are very rare. About 54% of civil trials in federal court (43 jury trials and 36 bench trials) and 50% civil trials in general jurisdiction state courts were to juries (277 jury trials and 280 bench trials), with about 75% in tort cases) - both of these categories of cases are more likely to go to trial but trials are still rare in civil cases across the board.

A large share of motor vehicle accident cases in Colorado are resolved in jury trials, but they make up a much smaller share of the total share of civil jury trials in the state (maybe half). 

Also, while Canada has federal trial courts, they make up a tiny share of the total case load of civil court dockets in Canada and an even smaller share of Canadian civil jury trials. The main federal court has 37 judges, 9 part-time senior judges, and 8 magistrates (titled translated to more familiar terminology). It handles 50% immigration cases, and the balance federal administrative law, intellectual property, admiralty, what we could call Indian law in the U.S., and claims against the federal government. There is also a separate federal tax court. The lion's share of its cases have a governmental party. Private law civil cases make up only a very small part of its docket. Many Canadian federal court cases would be heard in "Article I" courts in the United States. Indeed, it isn't clear to me that there are any civil jury trials in Canada's federal trial courts.

26 October 2022

The Aftermath Of Banning Non-Unanimous Jury Verdicts

The failure of the U.S. Supreme Court to make it landmark procedural ruling in Ramos v. Louisiana retroactive is so glaring that it is one of many rulings that undermines its legitimacy as an institution that vindicates justice. 

The U.S. Supreme Court declared split-jury verdicts unconstitutional in 2020, in a ruling known as Ramos v. Louisiana.

Oregon had been allowing split-jury verdicts since 1934, after a Jewish man accused of murder was convicted of a lesser charge because of a single juror holdout. Louisiana enshrined non-unanimous juries in its constitution in 1898, during a convention where the stated purpose was “to establish the supremacy of the white race in the state.”

The Supreme Court ruling left it up to Oregon and Louisiana to figure out what to do with the hundreds of people already in prison for such convictions. On Oct. 21, Louisiana’s Supreme Court ruled against vacating those convictions, leaving the door open for the state legislature to take action. Oregon’s Supreme Court is similarly poised to rule on the issue, in an appeal . . . that could impact an estimated 250 to 300 other inmates in the state.

From here

22 August 2022

The Courts of India Explained

Comparative law is useful to someone seeking to reform their own legal system because it shows both proof of concept and relatedly can quash a "parade of horribles" analysis.

The case of the court system of India is particularly notable because it involves a legal system in a big, complicated, multi-cultural, federal county.

Of course, very few people would argue that the court system of India is superior to that of the United States. 

For example, it has far too few judges for its case loads, resulting in a very slow pace of legal action (for reasons that aren't entirely clear given the civil service appointment system, although low compensation and poor working conditions may be important factors), and also has a populace that often can't afford to use it in the intended manner with competent legal counsel due to a lack of financial means.

The Indian court backlog numbers in the millions. The legal maxim justice delayed is justice denied is honored only in the breach. On average about 20% of approved judicial positions are vacant. The annual backlog increase is less than 2%. If the vacancies were filled, the backlog would decline. Minor infractions make up nearly half of pending cases.

In 2015, some 400 vacancies were reported in the 24 high courts. The Supreme Court backlog is around 65,000 cases. Some 30 million cases await resolution in various courts. The budget allocation is a 0.2 per cent of gross domestic product. The judge-population ratio is 10.5 to one million, about 20% of the recommended 50 to one million.

The government is the largest single litigant, adding cases to the docket, losing most, and then appealing to the next court. The Law Commission found that most such appeals were pointless.

Jagdev claimed that the Judiciary does not attract the best legal talent in part because of disparity in compensation. In recent years scandals have besmirched the judiciary's reputation. The sub-ordinate judiciary works in appalling conditions.

On 12 January 2012, the Supreme Court said that confidence in the judiciary was decreasing, posing a threat to the country. It acknowledged the problems of vacancies in trial courts, unwillingness of lawyers to become judges, and the failure of the apex judiciary in filling vacant HC posts. One proposal is that access to justice must be made a constitutional right requiring the executive to provide the necessary infrastructure for protecting that right. The Court also wanted the Government of India to detail the work being done by the National Mission for Justice Delivery and Legal Reforms.

Undertrials outnumber convicts in the prison population. Ordinary citizens have been imprisioned for espionage for overstaying their visa or straying across international borders, languishing in prison for years due to the slow redressal process.

To reduce pendency, 'Fast-track courts', 'Evening courts/Morning courts' were set up and met with mixed success. Mobile courts were set up to bring 'justice at the doorsteps' of litigants of judge-poor rural areas.

Lok Adalats is an informal, alternative mechanism that has been a success in tackling backlogs, especially in pre-litigation matters, settling cases before they enter the courts.

According to a report released by Centre for Public Policy Research and British Deputy High Commission "a total of 16,884 commercial disputes [are] pending in High Courts with original jurisdiction. Of these Madras High court tops with 5,865. With the number of commercial disputes growing rapidly, facilitating a seamless dispute resolution system through alternate means has become crucial."

Economists Boehm and Oberfeld calculated that the backlog costs the Indian economy several percentage points of GDP.

Also, while India's courts are arguably less politicized than U.S. courts, they are also more prone to instances of judicial corruption.

But, it is nonetheless interesting to see how it handles the issues of judicial appointments in a far less political manner (really modeled on the British system).

Some of the other notable quirks of India's court system are highlighted in the discussion below, such as the lack of a strict correspondence between what are basically state supreme courts and state boundaries, the national effect of precedents in intermediate appellate courts, its village court system based on traditional or customary law (found in many other non-European countries), its special corruption court, some of its other specialized tribunals which don't have direct parallels in U.S. law (for human rights, company law, consumer disputes, and anti-trust cases), and the limited inquisitorial features of its criminal courts (e.g. the power to call witnesses or obtain evidence sua sponte).

Also notably, India completely abolished the institution of the jury trial in 1959, even in serious criminal cases and in extremely limited classes of civil cases where jury trials have been retained in England.

I leave for another day the significant differences that exist (fairly few) in other areas of civil and criminal procedure.

Court structure and hierarchy

12. What is the general court structure and hierarchy?

The Indian judicial system is a single integrated system. The Constitution of India divides the Indian judiciary into superior judiciary (the Supreme Court and the High Courts) and the subordinate judiciary (the lower courts under the control of the High Courts). 
The Supreme Court of India is the apex court of the country and sits in New Delhi. It is presided by the Chief Justice of India. There are twenty-four High Courts in the country. Each state has one High Court, although some High Courts have jurisdiction over multiple states and Union Territories. For example, the Guwahati High Court exercises jurisdiction over the states of Assam, Nagaland, Mizoram and Arunachal Pradesh, all of which are situated close to each other in the north-eastern part of India. 
For administrative convenience, states are further sub-divided into districts, each of which has its own District Court. Barring a few states, the original jurisdiction for both civil and criminal cases vests with the District Court. The judicial system also consists of tribunals and commissions which are established under, and to deal with, specific statutes.

13. To what extent are lower courts bound by the decisions of higher courts?

The judicial pronouncements by the Supreme Court of India are binding precedents on all courts, judicial authorities and tribunals in India. Similarly, High Court decisions are binding on all subordinate courts, authorities and tribunals in India, unless there is a contrary decision from another High Court. If there is a contrary decision from a different High Court, the decision from the court with the larger judge bench usually prevails. District Court decisions are not binding on any other court.

14. Are there specialist courts for certain legal areas?

Under the Indian judicial system, certain traditional courts have been specifically tasked to deal with certain areas of law. District Courts usually have courts formed under specific statues, such as: 
* Family courts to deal with issues relating to marriage, inheritance, guardianship of minors and maintenance. 
* The Special Court of Central Bureau of Investigation to deal with cases of corruption and bribery. 
* Some High Courts and District Courts, which house commercial courts which deal only with commercial matters of specified value, including matters relating to arbitration. 
With the socialist aim of making legal remedies accessible and affordable to all, the Indian judicial system has constituted Lok Adalats and Gram Panchayats at the village level. These bodies apply traditional or customary laws and primarily work towards settling local disputes by using alternative dispute resolution mechanisms.

15. Are other quasi-legal authorities commonly used?

Apart from the courts, the Indian judicial system comprises tribunals, commissions and quasi-judicial authorities that derive their authority from specific statutes. These bodies include the: 
* Central Administrative Tribunal, which adjudicates disputes that relate to the recruitment and conditions of service of public servants.
* National and State Human Rights Commissions for the protection of human rights. 
* National Company Law Tribunal and National Company Law Appellate Tribunal, which adjudicate issues relating to company law, including insolvency and bankruptcy matters. 
* Consumer disputes forums at national, state and district level to deal with consumer disputes. 
* Competition Commission of India to promote and protect market competition. 
* Ombudsman for banking, Insurance, Income tax and electricity matters. 
* Income Tax Appellate Tribunal, Central Excise and Service Tax Appellate Tribunal and Sales Tax Appellate Tribunal to hear tax and excise matters. 
Most quasi-judicial bodies oversee administrative actions and impose restrictions on administrative agencies.

16. Does the constitution provide for an independent judiciary?

There are several provisions under the Constitution of India that ensure an independent judiciary. For example: 
The judges of the Supreme Court and the High Courts have secured tenure and cannot be removed from office (unless there is proven misconduct or incapacity)
The Constitution empowers the Supreme Court and the High Courts to punish any person for its contempt. 
Appointments and transfers of judges of the Supreme Court and the High Courts is made through a collegium system. The collegium comprises the Chief Justice of India and a forum of four of the most senior judges of the Supreme Court. Remarkably, this system is not expressly found in the Constitution and was created by the Supreme Court while deciding a matter in 1998. Facets of an independent judiciary are found even in the subordinate judiciary, where matters relating to removal and disciplinary actions fall under the control of the High Courts.

17. How are members of the judiciary typically appointed?

Appointment 
Appointment of judges up to the highest level in the subordinate judiciary are either made by the state Public Service Commissions or the High Courts. These appointments are usually made on the basis of performance in dedicated examinations (that is, the Lower Judicial Services Examination or Higher Judicial Services Examination). Judges from the subordinate judiciary are regularly promoted and some are even appointed as High Courts or Supreme Court judges. 
The appointment procedure in the superior judiciary is slightly different as the appointments are not made through judicial service examinations. High Court judges are appointed either through promoting judges from the subordinate judiciary or by direct elevation of advocates. Supreme Court judges are appointed either through promotion or direct elevation of judges from the High Courts. Supreme Court and High Courts judges are appointed through a collegium system, comprising the Chief Justice of India and a forum of the four most senior judges of the Supreme Court. 
Qualifications 
For a person to be eligible to sit the Lower Judicial Services Examination, he or she: 
* Must be a citizen of India. 
* Must be graduate in law.  
* Should have been enrolled or qualified to be enrolled as an advocate. 
The age limit for candidates varies from state to state and is usually between 21 to 35 years. 
For the Higher Judicial Services Examination, a candidate must: 
* Be a graduate in law 
* Have the prescribed minimum experience as an advocate (usually seven years) or as a judge. 
For a person to be eligible for an appointment as a High Court judge, he or she must: 
* Be an Indian citizen. 
* Be under the age of 62 years. 
* Have either held a judicial office in India for ten years or practised as an advocate of High Court(s) for ten years. 
For a person to be eligible for an appointment as a Supreme Court judge, he or she must: 
* Be an Indian citizen. 
* Be under the age of 65 years.
Have been a: 
* judge of a High Court for at least five years; 
* an advocate of a High Court for at least ten years; or 
* a distinguished jurist in the opinion of the President of India.

Litigation (civil and criminal)

18. Do the courts use an adversarial, non-adversarial or other system?

The Indian legal system is mainly adversarial. However, in certain aspects it is hybrid of adversarial and inquisitorial functions. Particularly the criminal justice system is not strictly adversarial, as some provisions in the criminal code require the judge to perform inquisitorial functions. For example, the judge will undertake active fact-finding exercises, such as: 
* Directing further investigation. 
* Assisting in the framing of charges. 
* Calling any person as witness and procuring evidence.

From here

Wikipedia further discusses the courts at each level as shown below. Particularly notable is that in the model of the English Court of Chancery, "Revenue Courts" have jurisdiction over many aspects of real property law that are handled by ordinary civil courts in U.S. law. India's courts also follow the British practice of having higher courts which are courts of first instance in serious civil matters in addition to being predominantly appellate courts.

Supreme Court

The Supreme Court is the highest court established by the Constitution. The Constitution states that the Supreme Court is a federal court, guardian of the Constitution, and the highest court of appeal. Articles 124 to 147 of the Constitution lay down the court's composition and jurisdiction. 
Primarily, it is an appellate court that takes up appeals against judgments of the High Courts of the states and territories. It also takes writ petitions in cases of serious human rights violations or any petition filed under Article 32, which is the right to a constitutional remedy, or if a serious case involves needs immediate resolution.

The Supreme Court comprises the Chief Justice and 33 judges.

It first sat on 26 January 1950, the day India's constitution came into force, and thereafter delivered more than 24,000 reported judgements.

Proceedings are conducted in English only. The Supreme Court Rules of 1966 were framed under Article 145 of the Constitution, which exists to regulate its practices and procedures. Article 145 was amended and is governed by the Supreme Court Rules of 2013. 
High courts

27 High Courts operate at the state level. Article 141 of the Constitution mandates that they are bound by the judgements and orders of the Supreme Court of India by precedence. These courts have jurisdiction over a state, a union territory or a group of states and union territories. High courts were instituted as constitutional courts under Part VI, Chapter V, Article 214 of the Constitution.

The High Courts are the principal civil courts of original jurisdiction in the state (along with the subordinate District Courts). However, High Courts civil and criminal jurisdiction applies only if subordinate courts are not authorized to try matters for lack of pecuniary or territorial jurisdiction. High Courts may enjoy original jurisdiction in certain matters if so designated in a state or federal law. For example, company law cases are instituted only in a high court.

The primary work of most High Courts consists of deciding appeals from lower courts, and writs in terms of Article 226 of the Constitution. Writ jurisdiction is also an original jurisdiction of High Courts. The precise territorial jurisdiction of each High Court varies by province.

Judges in these courts are appointed by the President after consultation with the Chief Justice of India, Chief Justice of the High Court, and the state governor. The number of judges in a court is decided by dividing the average institution of main cases during the last five years by the national average, or the average rate of disposal of main cases per judge per year in that High Court, whichever is higher.

The Calcutta High Court is the country's oldest, established on 2 July 1862, while the Allahabad High Court is the largest, hosting 160 judges.

High Courts that handle large numbers of cases have permanent benches (or a branch of the court). For litigants of remote regions, 'circuit benches' work on those days when judges visit. 
District / Subordinate courts

The District Courts of India are established by state governments for every district or group of districts, taking into account the number of cases and population distribution. These courts are under administrative control of the state's High Court. Decisions are subject to the appeal to the High Court.

The district court is presided over by one District Judge appointed by the Governor with the consultation of High Court. Additional District Judges and Assistant District Judges may be appointee depending on the workload. The Additional District Judge has equivalent jurisdiction as the District Judge. The District Judge is called a "Metropolitan session judge", when he is presiding over a district court in a city which is designated a "Metropolitan area" by the state government.

The district court has appellate jurisdiction over subordinate courts on all matters. Subordinate courts, on the civil side (in ascending order) are Junior Civil Judge Court, Principal Junior Civil Judge Court, Senior Civil Judge Court (also called sub-court). Subordinate courts, on the criminal side (in ascending order) are, Second Class Judicial Magistrate Court, First Class Judicial Magistrate Court, Chief Judicial Magistrate Court. In Family Courts deal with matrimonial disputes.

Family Court and Mahila Court matters are handled by the Principal Judge. The Judges appointed to this post are from the pool of District Judges. In Maharashtra, Andhra Pradesh and some other states, judges are appointed from the pool of retired judicial officer either directly or through exam. 
Executive and Revenue Court

Below the judicial hierarchy sits the executive hierarchy. Cr.P.C. empowers the Executive Court to deal with petty offences, but the power does not imply that they hold judicial power. Section 3 of CrPC clearly splits matter to be handled by both magistrates. Section 20 of CrPC empowers the State Government to appoint Executive Magistrates (EM) in every metropolitan area and in every district. It has the authority to appoint one Executive Magistrate as the District Magistrate and to appoint any EM as the ADM. Such a magistrate has the same power as enjoyed by the District Magistrate (DM).

If the office of a DM is left vacant then any officer who temporarily succeeds to the executive administration of the district exercises the same power as enjoyed by the DM. The State Government is empowered to give charge of a sub-division to the EM, who is called Sub-divisional Magistrate. The EM role generally maintain law and order under section 107–110, 133, 144, 145, and 147 of the CrPC., cancelling or granting licenses, handling land acquisition matters, or any other matter raised by state government.

Section 21 empowers state government to appoint special Executive Magistrates (Sp. EM). Under Section 20(5) of Crpc, the Commissioner of Police (CP) can be appointed as EM, but only when the district is declared by state government as a Commissionerate. The DG(P) holds the rank of CP but can't exercise power of EM (special) until his designation changes into CP. The appeal of executive court lies in the court of Session Judge or Additional Session Judge of the district or to the High Court. 
Order Executive Court
3 Other Executive Magistrate

To deal with the land revenue matters, each state established a Revenue Court. These courts adjudicate matters related to: 
land revenue
tenancy (ownership - in a loose sense)
property boundaries
succession
land transfers
partition of holdings
removal of encroachments, eviction of trespassers, and in some states, declaratory suits.

The Revenue Court is a quasi-judicial body and holds only limited power to deal with specific civil matters. As per Section 5(2) of Civil Procedure Code; Revenue Courts have jurisdiction to deal with suits related to rent, revenue or profits of land used for agricultural purposes, but does not include civil court matters. Therefore, certain matters of the Revenue Courts are barred from jurisdiction of Civil Courts as specified under the code. The Court of Additional Commissioner and above are appellate courts. However, it is a state controlled organization. 
Generally the officers of the rank of Collector and above are from the pool of the Indian Administrative Service, while lower positions can be from either IAS or SAS and inferior to that are from the State Administrative Services. 
Order Revenue [ed. appointing civil service system omitted] 
1 Board of Revenue 
2 Principal Revenue Commissioner 
4 Additional Commissioner 
5 Commissioner Land Record
6 Additional Commissioner Land Record
8 Addl. Collector
9 Chief Revenue Officer
10 Sub Divisional Officer
11 Assistant Collectors
12 Settlement Officer 
13 Assistant Settlement Officer
14 Record Officer
15 Ass. Record Officer
17 Additional Tahsildars
18 Naib Tahsildars

Village courts / Panchayat / Rural Court

Village courts, Lok Adalat (people's court) or Nyaya panchayat (justice of the villages), offer alternative dispute resolution. They were recognized through the 1888 Madras Village Court Act, then developed (after 1935) in various provinces and (after independence) Indian states. The model from Gujarat State (with a judge and two assessors) was used from the 1970s onwards. In 1984 the Law Commission recommended to create Panchayats in rural areas with laymen ("having educational attainments"). The 2008 Gram Nyayalayas Act had foreseen 5,000 mobile courts in the country for judging petty civil (property cases) and criminal (up to 2 years of prison) cases. However, the Act was not enforced, with only 151 functional Gram Nyayalayas in the country (as of May 2012) against a target of 5000. The major reasons were include financial constraints, reluctance of lawyers, police and other government officials.

The Mahila Court (open access) is mentioned above only in passing but is an interesting Indian innovation: 

The ‘women's court’ (mahila adalat or mahila mandal) is a fairly recent but increasingly prevalent phenomenon in contemporary India. A particular kind of alternative dispute-resolution forum specifically designed to address women's marital and related family problems, it aims to provide a safe and unthreatening environment wherein women can air their grievances, work out satisfactory settlements with husbands and in-laws, or find ways to escape their difficult situations altogether. It encourages women to resolve domestic disputes informally, rather than by resort to the state's judicatory institutions. Most women's courts are run by women's NGOs, often with financial support from foreign donor agencies or, in some cases, from governmental or semi-governmental agencies such as State Women's Commissions or Legal Aid Societies.

This paper discusses the structure and workings of some of these women's courts, based on two decades of ethnographic observations and interviews in such venues as well as on the work of other scholars who have studied similar bodies more intensively than I. It highlights some of the unique features of these ‘courts,’ shows why they are the forum of choice for so many poor women, and asks how effective they are in delivering justice to those who come to them for help.

16 February 2022

Will The Louisiana Supreme Court Uphold LWOP For Defendants Convicted With Non-Unanimous Verdicts?

The U.S. Supreme Court held in Ramos v. Louisiana (U.S. October 2019) that non-unanimous state court jury verdicts in felony cases, allowed under a procedurally quirky U.S. Supreme Court precedent from 1972 that only two U.S. states, Louisiana and Oregon, availed themselves of, were unconstitutional. This happened around the same time that Louisiana, one of the two states, amended its constitution to prohibit such verdicts based upon a ballot issue decided in the 2018 general election. 

But in a follow up case, Edwards v. Vannoy (U.S. 2020), the U.S. Supreme Court held, along the usual 6-3 conservative-liberal divide in the court, that this ruling was not retroactive to cases in which direct appeals had been exhausted already, because it was not a "watershed rule" of criminal procedure.

Now, the Louisiana Supreme Court has taken a case to decide, as a matter of state constitutional law independent of federal law and not subject to review by any other court, if the ban on non-unanimous verdicts will be applied retroactively. The defendant in the test case has currently served 29 years in prison of a life without possibility of parole sentence, based upon a 10-2 jury verdict that would have resulted in an immediate retrial in 48 other states and in the federal courts.

I have no idea how the Louisiana Supreme Court is likely to rule, and it makes sense that it would take up the case, even if it is planning to hold that the ruling is not retroactive, because this exactly clean and narrow legal issue is outcome determinative in so many cases.

About 1500 cases are affected by the ruling and would have to be retried if the law is applied retroactively to cases that are now cold. The defendants are mostly serving life possibility of parole sentences, because shorter sentences are either still eligible to benefit from the new law because they are still on direct appeal, or have been full served.

The Louisiana Supreme Court agreed Tuesday to decide if a ban on non-unanimous jury verdicts applies retroactively under the state constitution, as it considers the case of a man convicted of murder and sentenced to life for a 1993 slaying in Plaquemines Parish.

The case of Reginald Reddick, who was convicted by a 10-2 jury vote that is no longer allowed, sets up a decision by the state’s highest court that could affect as many as 1,500 Louisiana inmates, most of them serving life sentences without parole.

Convicted by split juries years ago, their appeals exhausted, those inmates missed a shot at new trials when the U.S. Supreme Court last year refused to make its 2020 ban on divided juries retroactive. Still, advocates have argued that the high court's ruling doesn't prevent the Louisiana Supreme Court from deciding that those older split verdicts violate the state's constitution and should be tossed.

From here

As previous coverage from the same newspaper noted:
In Louisiana, four in five of the 1,500-plus inmates serving time under split jury decisions are Black; more than one in four has served at least 20 years already. The longest-serving inmate known to have been convicted by a split jury has been incarcerated since 1967. . . . 

The roster includes more than 900 inmates who are serving life sentences without the possibility of parole -- a terminal sentence in which Louisiana, which incarcerates more people per-capita than any other state, easily leads the nation.

The older the case is, the less troubling to public safety a vacated conviction that is impracticable to retry would be, because the reality is that inmates who serve long sentences tend to "age out" of the time period where they are prone to commit crime and have low recidivism rates. 

This is balanced against the fact that more recent convictions, where the risk of recidivism if a defendant was rightfully convicted in a split verdict that would not have to have been retried before the defendant was convicted, are typically easier to retry.

Non-Unanimous Verdicts Produce More Wrongful Convictions

The risk of non-unanimous verdicts leading to wrongful convictions in Louisiana was real. In Louisiana, 40% of exonerated criminal defendants were found guilty by non-unanimous juries.

Jury verdicts aren't terribly accurate in the first place. As I've noted before, judges and juries agree on the verdict in roughly 78% of criminal jury trials. But judges are much less likely to acquit defendants than juries do (3% v. 19%+), and there are a small but significant number of wrongful convictions by juries (3.3% to 5% in death qualified capital murder-rape cases, and probably somewhat less in ordinary felony cases).

A very large percentage of criminal cases (95% would be typical), however, are resolved by plea bargains, which also sometimes result in wrongful convictions, although for mostly different reasons.

So, while the percentage of wrongful convictions in cases that actually go to trial is troubling high, the percentage of all cases that are wrongful convictions as a result of inaccurate jury verdicts is a much smaller share of criminal convictions (about one in 500).

Given that 18% of known exonerees pleaded guilty to crimes they didn’t commit, which suggest that the rate at which people plead guilty to crimes that they didn't commit is at least about one in 2,375, although this is surely an underestimate since not all people who plead guilty to crimes that they didn't commit are exonerated, in part, because there are stronger procedural bars to doing so, and in part, because people are less likely to challenge the often shorter sentence received as a result of a plea bargained conviction. (About 65% of 418 exonerees who pleaded guilty were people of color, and 83% of DNA exoneration plea cases resulted in identification of the alternate perpetrator.)

17 May 2021

Unconstitutional Non-Unanimous Jury Verdicts Don't Invalidate Old LA and OR Convictions

The U.S. Supreme Court previous held in Ramos v. Louisiana, 590 U. S. ___., that there is a constitutional right to a unanimous jury verdict in criminal cases where there is a right to a trial by jury, something that two states (Louisiana and Oregon) had allowed with U.S. Supreme Court authorization due to Apodaca v. Oregon, 406 U. S. 404. 

Edwards v. Vannoy addressed the question of whether this constitutional holding could be applied to cases where direct appellate review of a conviction were exhausted in a collateral attack on the constitutionality of the conviction. The 6-3 conservative majority held over a three justice dissent, that it could not be applied to those cases (a clerical error in the original opinion that doesn't go to the merits was corrected two days later).

Furthermore, the Court held that new rule of criminal procedure will never apply retroactively to cases whose direct appeals have been exhausted, repudiating Teague v. Lane, 489 U. S. 288 which held that new "watershed" rules of criminal procedure could be applied retroactively.

Justice Brett M. Kavanaugh delivered the opinion of the Court in Edwards v. Vannoy, No. 19-5807. Justice Clarence Thomas issued a concurring opinion, in which Justice Neil M. Gorsuch joined. Justice Gorsuch issued a concurring opinion, in which Justice Thomas joined. And Justice Elena Kagan issued a dissenting opinion, in which Justices Stephen G. Breyer and Sonia Sotomayor joined. 

The Official Syllabus of the decision is as follows:
EDWARDS v. VANNOY, WARDEN 

CERTIORARI TO THE UNITED STATES COURT OF APPEALS FOR THE FIFTH CIRCUIT No. 19–5807. 

Argued November 30, 2020—Decided May 17, 2021 

In 2007, a Louisiana jury found petitioner Thedrick Edwards guilty of armed robbery, rape, and kidnapping. At the time, Louisiana law permitted non-unanimous jury verdicts if at least 10 of the 12 jurors found the defendant guilty. In Edwards’s case, 11 of 12 jurors returned a guilty verdict as to some crimes, and 10 of 12 jurors returned a guilty verdict as to others. After Edwards’s conviction became final on direct review, Edwards filed a federal habeas corpus petition, arguing that the non-unanimous jury verdict violated his constitutional right to a unanimous jury. The District Court rejected Edwards’s claim as foreclosed by Apodaca v. Oregon, 406 U. S. 404, and the Fifth Circuit denied a certificate of appealability. While Edwards’s petition for a writ of certiorari was pending, the Court repudiated Apodoca and held that a state jury must be unanimous to convict a criminal defendant of a serious offense. Ramos v. Louisiana, 590 U. S. ___. Edwards now argues that the Ramos jury-unanimity rule applies retroactively on federal collateral review. 

Held: The Ramos jury-unanimity rule does not apply retroactively on federal collateral review. Pp. 5–20. 

(a) A new rule of criminal procedure applies to cases on direct review, even if the defendant’s trial has already concluded. But the Court has stated that new rules of criminal procedure ordinarily do not apply retroactively on federal collateral review. The Court has stated that a new procedural rule will apply retroactively on federal collateral review only if the new rule constitutes a “watershed” rule of criminal procedure. Teague v. Lane, 489 U. S. 288, 311 (plurality opinion). When the Teague Court first articulated that “watershed” exception, however, the Court stated that it was “unlikely” that such watershed “components of basic due process have yet to emerge.” Id., at 313. And in the 32 years since Teague, the Court has never found that any new procedural rule actually satisfies the purported exception. Pp. 5–7. 

(b) To determine whether Ramos applies retroactively on federal collateral review, the Court must first ask whether Ramos announced a new rule of criminal procedure and, if so, whether that rule falls within an exception for watershed rules of criminal procedure that apply retroactively on federal collateral review. The Court concludes that Ramos announced a new rule and that the jury-unanimity rule announced by Ramos does not apply retroactively on federal collateral review. Pp. 8–14. 

(1) The Ramos jury-unanimity rule is new because it was not “dictated by precedent existing at the time the defendant’s conviction became final,” Teague, 489 U. S., at 301, or “apparent to all reasonable jurists” at that time, Lambrix v. Singletary, 520 U. S. 518, 528. On the contrary, before Ramos, many courts interpreted Apodaca to allow for non-unanimous jury verdicts in state criminal trials. And the Ramos Court expressly repudiated Apodaca. Pp. 8–10. 

(2) The new rule announced in Ramos does not qualify as a “watershed” procedural rule that applies retroactively on federal collateral review. In an attempt to distinguish Ramos from the long line of cases where the Court has declined to retroactively apply new procedural rules, Edwards emphasizes three aspects of Ramos
(i) the significance of the jury-unanimity right; 
(ii) Ramos’s reliance on the original meaning of the Constitution; and 
(iii) the effect of Ramos in preventing racial discrimination in the jury process. 
But the Court has refused to retroactively apply other momentous cases with similar attributes. In DeStefano v. Woods, 392 U. S. 631, the Court declined to retroactively apply Duncan v. Louisiana, 395 U. S. 145, even though Duncan established the jury right itself. In Whorton v. Bockting, 549 U. S. 406, the Court declined to retroactively apply Crawford v. Washington, 541 U. S. 36, even though Crawford relied on the original meaning of the Sixth Amendment to restrict the use of hearsay evidence against criminal defendants. And in Allen v. Hardy, 478 U. S. 255 (per curiam), the Court declined to retroactively apply Batson v. Kentucky, 476 U. S. 79, even though Batson held that state prosecutors may not discriminate on the basis of race when exercising individual peremptory challenges. There is no good rationale for treating Ramos differently from Duncan, Crawford, and Batson. Pp. 10–14. 

 (3) Given the Court’s numerous precedents holding that landmark and historic decisions announcing new rules of criminal procedure do not apply retroactively on federal collateral review, the Court acknowledges that the watershed exception is moribund and that no new rules of criminal procedure can satisfy the purported exception for watershed rules. Continuing to articulate a theoretical exception that never  actually applies in practice offers false hope to defendants, distorts the law, misleads judges, and wastes the resources of defense counsel, prosecutors, and courts. Moreover, no one can reasonably rely on an exception that is non-existent in practice, so no reliance interests can be affected by forthrightly acknowledging reality. The watershed exception must “be regarded as retaining no vitality.” Herrera v. Wyoming, 587 U. S. ___, ___ (slip op., at 11) (internal quotation marks omitted). Pp. 14–15. 

Affirmed. 

KAVANAUGH, J., delivered the opinion of the Court, in which ROBERTS, C. J., THOMAS, ALITO, GORSUCH, and BARRETT, JJ., joined. THOMAS, J., filed a concurring opinion, in which GORSUCH, J., joined. GORSUCH, J., filed a concurring opinion, in which THOMAS, J., joined. 
KAGAN, J., filed a dissenting opinion, in which BREYER and SOTOMAYOR, JJ., joined.

The conclusion of the majority opinion states:

To summarize the Court’s retroactivity principles: New substantive rules alter “the range of conduct or the class of persons that the law punishes.” Summerlin, 542 U. S., at 353. Those new substantive rules apply to cases pending in trial courts and on direct review, and they also apply retroactively on federal collateral review. New procedural rules alter “only the manner of determining the defendant’s culpability.” Ibid. (emphasis deleted). Those new procedural rules apply to cases pending in trial courts and on direct review. But new procedural rules do not apply retroactively on federal collateral review. 

Ramos announced a new rule of criminal procedure. It does not apply retroactively on federal collateral review. We affirm the judgment of the U. S. Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit. 

The concurring opinion from Justice Thomas argues that the same conclusions was compelled by the Antiterrorism and Effective Death Penalty Act of 1996 (AEDPA).

The concurring opinion from Justice Gorsuch tries to put the Court's ruling in the context of the history of writ of habeas corpus jurisprudence.

Justice Kagan argues in dissent that Ramos was a watershed rule which should have been applied retroactively under Teague.  

The practical effect of the ruling is that hundreds or up to several thousand inmates in Louisiana and Oregon who were convicted of felonies in non-unanimous jury verdicts will not receive new trials.