14 August 2007

Building The Rule Of Law

U.S. Supreme Court Justice Kennedy is no liberal. But, he isn't a hard core conservative either. His take on the law is typical of rank and file registered Republicans, and on the moderate end of what elected officials running on the GOP ticket espouse. There are probably fewer than 40 Democrats in Congress who even approach his level of conservatism. But, he is also a good example of the fact that there are some issues that are widely bipartisan, even if the fringes of the Republican party don't agree. One of those issues is the rule of law, principle that only the powerful but tiny Dick Cheney wing of the Republican party seriously disagrees with in principle.

Justice Kennedy recently spoke on the issue (Hat tip to SCOTUS Blog) to the American Bar Association, as it presented the most powerful judge in America (because he is the swing vote on the highest court) an award.

"In the developing world, there are not enough lawyers, there are not enough paralegals, there are not enough college-educated persons to make such a system work," Kennedy told delegates . . . In some countries, he said, half to three-quarters of the population works in the "shadow sector," with no licenses or legal regulation, and half the people have no official birth records. Lawyers can't merely advise millions of young people in those nations to wait decades while the groundwork for a legal structure is established, Kennedy said.

But he said lawyers are well-suited to educate and recruit those young people to promote law by fighting lawlessness - families in Asia that sell their young daughters into the sex trade, an African nation that charges fees to women who want rape complaints investigated, nations that hold prisoners incommunicado and without charges for a decade, "the ongoing and looming greater disaster in Darfur."

Lawyers should tell their listeners, "Here is a cause for your passion and your anger and your youth and your energy," Kennedy said. And he said U.S. lawyers must also realize that "the rule of law cannot stand here unless you address those problems in other nations."


The issue he charged American lawyers with is not an easy one. How do you build a legal system with few or no lawyers?

The most recent serious effort to try to do so has been in China, with decidely mixed results. But, the absence of formal legal education doesn't mean that a society has to be without lawyers all together.

The Washington Post recently highlighted the remarkable authority that a "Children's Parliament", run, as the name suggests, by children, in Goma, Congo has developed (as modest as it is) amidst a failed overall legal system, largely on the strength of the fact that it is not corrupt and makes a good faith effort to apply the law to the facts, despite the fact that its opinions are not themselves binding.

Prior to 1890, when New Hampshire adopted one, there was no such thing as a bar exam; every state, but one, had one by 1915. A college education wasn't a prerequiste to law school in the United States until about 1900 (and is still not in most of the world). When Yale Law School was founded in 1843, there were only eight law schools in the country and many lawyers learned the profession in another lawyer's office rather than in a law school. From 1779 to 1817, there was only one law school in the United States (at the College of William and Mary). Harvard Law School, founded in 1817, was the second.

Also, as far removed from actual practice as American law schools are, they are far closer than their civil law cousins, who lean on bar exam preparation courses even more heavily to teach students substantive law than do American law schools.

Early Americans were actually far more litigious than we are today, but most of the cases would have been considered small claims and were dealt with in the style of a modern small claims court. For every day legal purposes, the "Justice of the Peace" concept, in which lay persons met out justice in minor civil and criminal cases, are considered a pretty abysmal failure compared to status quo alternatives in places like New York State, where professional judges with graduate degrees in law in well organized state courts of record do a far better job. But, compared to a system like that of Liberia, which has only 22 judges (about a tenth of the number of judges per capita as Colorado), it looks attractive.

Both the civil law system, and the British, distinguish between a core group of litigators, and other lawyers with less formal credentials, reducing the size of the core group -- although the civil law system achieves this partially by having far more judges than common law systems do, per capita, and by entrusting much transactional legal work to the notary public's office.

The Roman legal system, one of the earliest, referred essentially all private law cases to rent-a-judges paid by the parties and largely independent of a formal court system, much like modern day arbitrators, another attractive option in a country with a weak state.

English law has its roots in the Norman Conquest, after which the occupying Army, itself in a military hierachy, divided up the conquered territory among Army officers, creating the foundations of the modern aristocracy, and granted each aristocrat the authority to met out justice in his own territory. Originally, this was mostly done directly by nobles hearing disputes between his subjects, but, eventually, this task became specialized and largely delegated to skilled specialist servants of the local ruler. The early Islamic empire, which fused religious and political authority followed a similar pattern, allocating the power to mete out justice largely to local rulers who often acted on the advice of educated servants.

Justice by general purpose local political leaders is another attractive alternative to bureacratic lawyer based justice, which, while it has its flaws, also offers a desirable alternative to the anarchy that prevails in much of the world today.

The notion that law without lawyers is a desirable thing is mostly a hoary myth that ignores the downside of that approach. But, as Justice Kennedy appropriately points out, the Rule of Law is a necessity that the much of the world can't afford to conduct American style.

Then again, as in the health care area, one wonders at what we get for our money, partially due to Justice Kennedy's own personal dithering. When he bemoans "nations that hold prisoners incommunicado and without charges for a decade," I have a hard time looking anywhere but in the mirror.

13 August 2007

Taking Responsibility

A general is a high ranking military officer, a senior employee of the United States government, just a couple of steps in the chain of command from the President, who often has authority over thousands of people whom he has the power to order to kill people. As a senior government employee he has a personal responsibility to make the system work.

For someone at this level to have his attorney advise Congress that the General intends to hide from process servers is not just a matter of playing games, it is conduct unbecoming an officer of the United States military and should be punished accordingly. He gets his authority via the rule of law, and the authority to wage the wars he's waged from Congress. To flout that authority is a form of insubordination that threatens the Republic and cannot be tolerated.

A Rare Moment Of Federal Court Sanity

On rare occassions, a federal court in a criminal case will consider the circumstances of a case to prevent an unexpectedly harsh result. This was one such case:

Mooney of Huntington, W.Va., was charged as a felon in possession of a weapon, which carries a mandatory minimum sentence of 15 years. He seized a .38-caliber revolver from his drunken ex-wife as she held the gun to his temple . . . . She had a "propensity to brandish and shoot guns at the men in her life," [the appellate judge] wrote.

Mooney tried to call police to turn over the gun but his wife disconnected the 911 calls and Mooney, who worked at a nearby bar, ultimately called his boss to say he would bring it to the bar to turn it over to police there. When he arrived at the bar, police were waiting, tipped by his former wife, and he was arrested for possession.

Although Mooney believed that his possession was justified under the circumstances, and that he "did the right thing," his original attorney advised him to plead guilty because the government had to prove only that Mooney was a felon and had a firearm, according to Niemeyer.

"Mooney told me that his appointed counsel had no criminal experience," [his appellate lawyer, a law student,] said.

Mooney had three prior convictions dating back 25 years, including burglary, robbery and the last an attempted robbery in 1989. He developed the original motion in the federal district court seeking to reverse his 2003 guilty plea and that gave a very clear picture of what happened, Poirier said.

Despite Mooney's repeated attempt to protest his innocence when he appeared in court to plead guilty, and again at sentencing, his lawyer advised the court that the law did not allow a justification defense. "It was patently inaccurate for Mooney's counsel to have advised Mooney and to have represented to the court that no such defense was ever available," [the appellate judge] wrote.


Mr. Mooney has so far served more than four years of his fifteen year sentence, largely as a result of the ineffective assistance of defense counsel that he received.

This case also demonstrates, once again, a gross abuse of discretion by the U.S. Attorney involved. Why do prosecutors feel compelled to try to a put a guy who was in this situation away in prison for another fifteen years?

The full court ruling, via How Appealing, is here.

Why Does Texas Execute So Many?

Via Reuters UK (Hat tip to Sentencing Law and Policy Blog):

Governor Perry is a devout Christian, highlighting one key factor in Texas' enthusiasm for the death penalty that many outsiders find puzzling -- the support it gets from conservative evangelical churches.

This is in line with their emphasis on individuals taking responsibility for their own salvation, and they also find justification in scripture.

"A lot of evangelical Protestants not only believe that capital punishment is permissible but that it is demanded by God. And they see sanction for that in the Old Testament especially," said Matthew Wilson, a political scientist at Southern Methodist University in Dallas.


Many people call themselves Christian, but the label obscures a variety of de facto religions, some relatively mild mannered and merciful, others full of wrath.

Snark, Tolerance and Ambivalence

A reader comments on my previous post (fairly, civilly and raising good points):

Ok, I read the synopsis of the Book of Genesis and I understand the point the writer was trying to make.

Mr. Oh-Willeke, it is time for a brief discussion of tolerance if you will indulge me.

I have been reading your blogs for the past few months and I appreciate your impassioned pleas for tolerance in America. I agree we need more tolerance. At the same time I read your blogs with titles such as "Another Reason to Hate Texas". I read you belittle anyone who lives below the Mason-Dixon line, anyone who holds God and country dear, anyone one who has ever voted Republican, anyone who has not achieved the level of education you have because of their inability to understand "complex" issues and anyone who has ever lived in Grand Junction Colorado.

Mr. Oh-Willeke, you probably think I am some kind of red-neck because I am a working-class guy living on the other side of the river from Wash Park who is, politically, a bit to the right of you. I love Texans and Vermonters, people of faith and atheists, gays and straights, republicans and democrats and the people of Grand Junction. I am proud to live in America with all her diversity. My only intolerance is towards those, by their misconduct, who have committed serious crimes and have shown disrespect for law and order. I guess that comes from having three burglaries at my home, three attempted burglaries, being assaulted (with battery) in my backyard plus numerous vandalisms. But I digress.

My point is I am tolerant of 85 to 90% of the people of this country and based on your blogs I would set your tolerance level to 5 to 10% percent of Americans.

Mr. Oh-Willeke, can we give up on red state/ blue state America and endeavor to create a purple America where all people can work together to arrive at real solutions to our nation's problems?

Thank you for your time,

Rick Taylor


My immediate response was:

Thank you for you empassioned and civil comment, which deserves a front page post response, which I will post. You make good and fair points.


The issue Mr. Taylor raises deserve quite a bit of analysis, response and explanation.

This blog is frequently raw. It comes with the genre. The rawness is more snark than serious. But, beneath it, is a far deeper issue. As I noted two posts ago, in Against Nihilism, I do not believe that "a 'true morality' does not exist, and secular ethics are impossible; therefore, life has no truth, and no action can be preferable to any other."

I believe, that many of the public policies of Texas are not just different, but are "wrong" in some more absolute sense, in much the same way that a much larger swath of people believe that the public policies of the Confederate States of America(and its predecessor slave states within the United States) and the post-reconstruction Jim Crow policies that followed were wrong. I believe that many policies of the Republican party are just plain wrong headed, and that many of their leaders are corrupt. I believe that belief in God is, at best, the wrong reason for doing the right thing, and at worse, a justification that trumps law and common sense for doing the wrong thing (religion comes in many flavors). I believe that blind patriotism, while often harmless, can be a dangerous thing and warrants suspicion. While I don't believe that education or extraordinary intelligence is necessary to understand "complex issues", I do believe that information is often necessary and that many bad policy decisions are driven by a lack of that information; and I believe that many people lack relevant information because they actively resist it. I think that Grand Junction is on the whole a healthy small community (and I enjoyed my time there) but that it is a poor place to raise children if you want them to be ready to function at their best in the wider world (particularly if they are multiracial).

I am no friend to crime or criminals, but recognize that people commit them for reasons that make their crimes more understandable than people are often comfortable admitting.

Of course, I don't really hate anybody (well, maybe one or two or three individual people, and certainly not you or anyone you know). Still, I don't actually hate Texas, I actually rather like Grand Junction, and I am myself born in the Georgia where I lived in my younger years.

The deeper question is how to balance my deep movement politics desire to change hearts and minds by illustrating how deeply wrong some of the alternatives are, with civility and tolerance.

Tolerance, by the way, is not the same as acceptance and welcoming. It means leaving others alone in matters that are their province, not embracing or condoning their way of life. It means maintaining civility and basic respect for someone, as a person, while trying to change their views. I'm sure I cross that line from time to time, and even when it is snark, it can be grating to those on the receiving end. On the other hand, humor and outrageous incidents often make good conversation starters for getting at more common and serious issues. Some posts, like my last one, are more in the nature of editorial cartoons than serious reasoned argument, because emotional buy in is often as relevant as rational buy in.

The core of civility, in my mind, is trying to stick to "fair" criticism. Normally, this means ad hominem arguments are out, although hypocrisy can make them relevant. Generally, this means that I try not to raise objections about policies that I don't genuinely believe are the real problems, even if the real problems are less "sexy."

While my instinct is to myself work on low profile constructive change (for example, technical fixes in private civil law), i.e., the "purple America" consensus choices, I don't think that this is an approach that is sufficient to bring positive change to this country. We need change that a lot of red state America is instinctively averse too. Most of the decisive positive changes in American policy history have come from one party being right and securing large majorities by implementing those policies on a partisan basis, not through broad consensus building. Social security, for example, may be a a consensus program now -- indeed, it is the third rail of American politics -- but, partisan politics got it into place.

Also, it is worth noting that while my views are generally in the middle of the American left (although I have probably more bipartisan readership than most left wing political blogs, in part because of my science, health and military coverage), that in the international political world, I am quite centrist. By international standards, the American right, both religiously and politically, is extreme.

Texas, for example, is a frequent subject of notice on this blog, in part, because it, by itself, is the source of a large share of all non-Chinese executions in the world, and is the leading source of executions in the developed world. Similarly, the American South is the only place in the developed Christian world where there is widespread belief in Creationism.

The balance between tolerance and civility on one hand, and active evangelization for a secular humanist worldview which is more morally sound and empirically based than many opposing views, isn't easy. I stumble, and it is fair to call me on it. But, open mindedness doesn't mean being so open that your brain falls out, and I'm not going to depart from pointing out the failures of the "red state" approach to governing and living.

One of the most cogent criticisms of the "mainstream media" has been its nihilist tendency to treat all opinions as equal, when often, there is one person's view, another person's view, and the facts, which often clearly lean towards one view or another. All opinions are not equal in merit, and people people deserve tolerance, opinions and policies that flawed, do not.

12 August 2007

The Snark In Genesis

Who said reading the Bible builds faith? Genesis certainly tends to have the opposite effect.

Against Nihilism

Nihilism . . . is a philosophical position which argues that the world, especially past and current human existence, is without objective meaning, purpose, comprehensible truth, or essential value. Nihilists generally assert some or all of the following: there is no reasonable proof of the existence of a higher ruler or creator, a "true morality" does not exist, and secular ethics are impossible; therefore, life has no truth, and no action can be preferable to any other.


From Wikipedia

Not every question has a right answer, but a great many questions in life, both factual and philosophical have wrong answers. Indeed, a belief that mere mortals are capable of discerning metaphysical truth is axiomatic to the atheism that is supposedly a predicate to nihilism. Metaphysics, of course, like physics, biology, chemistry and history viewed as a set of true statements about factual reality, differs a great deal from branches of philosophy and theology concerned with the meaning of law, its purpose, and morality.

Science can tell you how sharp a knife is, how strong it is, and whether it will tarnish in the dishwasher. It won't tell you what the best knife is, however, because that depends upon what the person using it needs. A knife too sharp can easily cut you. A knife too rigid is a poor choice to fillet a fish. You can cast that as moral issues which science can't answer. But, you can also cast that as an issue of context. Different answers make sense for different contexts -- but that doesn't mean that there isn't such a thing as a perfect fillet knife.

The notion that "true morality" does not exist or that secular ethics are impossible, while reasonable on the surface from the point of view of a secular worldview, appears less sensible when put into practice. While there are fine points where the common sense muddling through approach to secular humanist morality doesn't resolve well, developing a wide consensus on what is right and wrong, even on a vast international and multicultural scale, is far less of an ambitious thing than the nihilism suggests that it should be.

Often, the issues that are hardest to resolve as right or wrong are so hard to resolve because they are unimportant practically, and hence can't be subjected to empirical analysis. The death penalty, for example, in controversial, in part, because it impacts so few cases and has such a small impact on crime rates. No one disputes the people who commit heinous murders need to be removed from society, at least until they are too feeble to represent a continued threat to society.

At other times, divisions exist because the conventional wisdom of a large group of people is factually wrong in their beliefs. A majority of people on the eve of the Iraq War thought that Iraq played a part in 9-11. Most supporters of abstinence only education sincerely believe that contraception education causes teens to increase their sexual activity because there is official recognition of the legitimacy of teen sex. Few Creationists have a firm grasp on the science behind evolution. Most people who play the "Socialized medicine" card in the health care debate have little first hand experience of how well those systems actually work.

Jump ahead a moment. Suppose that, even if there is not necessarily one "true morality" that there is, at least, vast swath of moral territory which is immoral, through some combination of the hard wiring that comes with our species and the conclusions inevitably reached from living in the social communities that are for us, as social animals, our natural state.

It follows that the positivist view of law is wrong. There is some measure of natural law. To describe a law as a "bad law" or "unjust" isn't a inherently subjective rabbit hole.

Likewise, Democracy, in the absence of a nihilist worldview, means something very different than a political scientist's nihilist democracy, in which the majority view (or perhaps a utilitarian Pareto-optimal state) in ipso facto right. Voters, in a non-nihilist democratic model, are not principals. They are people who, like other actors in the political sphere, have a duty to act with reasonable care and a loyalty to the public good to secure a better regime, even despite their own narrow self-interests.

Political leadership, likewise takes a very different character in a non-nihilist worldview. The job of a political leader, is not just to carry out the will of the people, who are his or her masters, but to discern where the good society lies and persuade the people to go there. In this view, the politicians job is to get the people to buy into what is already right -- to educate the people.

A view that natural law exists in some form has explanatory virtue. For example, it makes it much easier to explain the voluntary democratic expansion of the franchise in the past two centuries. It isn't the only explanation, but it is a straight forward one.

Of course, if there is a secular natural law, one also needs a secular counterpart to original sin and the Tower of Babel. If there is a right and wrong in the world, why is it so hard to reach a consensus upon its terms?

But, sometimes, political division looms large only because we are focused on it. We lavish attention on flash points -- 5-4 decisions in the Supreme Court and party line votes in legislatures. But, a very large share of any court docket is decided unanimously, and the greater share of the legislative agenda in any session is dispatched with minimal dissent.

American political liberals and conservatives may seem hopelessly at odds, but there is widespread consensus on a great many issues. Democrats and Republicans may fight over how long sentences should be in absolute terms, but in the case of traditional violent and property crimes there is little dispute over what should and should not be criminal, and over the relatively seriousness of reasonably similar crimes.

Public policy empiricists are increasingly breaking political deadlocks. They are driving more public health oriented approaches to drug laws, a boldness in restricting without banning smoking, and increased regulation of teen drivers. They illustrate the failures of laws banning sex offenders from living in certain areas and disparate sentencing of crack and powder cocaine offenders. They are helping to make clear that our health care system is broken. They are cementing the notion that homosexuality is an inherent part of a person, rather than a "lifestyle choice", and that homosexual families can provide good homes for children. They assail worthless abstinence only education, and highlight the downsides of strict abortion bans.

Reality based public policy hasn't proven to be a terribly swift force for correcting political imbalance, but it has established a powerful new way to build consensus. Empirical analysis of public policy often informs the debate to make the moral disagreements trivial. Partisan ideas are increasingly being revealed as differences in empirical assumptions rather than differences in values.

Certainly, there are people who believe weird things and have moral systems at odds with those of almost everyone else. But, while they are disproportionately represented in politics, it takes rigorous indoctrination to bring someone to this state. A politics without dissent isn't possible or desirable. But, people of good will can, with good evidence, come closer together on most issues, because they often don't differ that much in their sense of right and wrong, if they perceive the same facts. The differences are often more over policy applications than in core principals, missions and values. Changing conventional wisdom about what works based upon empirical evidence is the challenge. Political leaders must evangelize discovered wisdom to secure political change, not just marshal majority coalitions of the status quo.

09 August 2007

Preschool Works.

Preschool makes huge differences in how well you succeed in life, at least if you are starting out at the bottom of the socio-economic pyramid. According to the source cited in the link above:

By age 24, children who had participated in the Child-Parent Center preschool were:

* More likely to have finished high school (71.4 percent vs. 63.7 percent) and to be attending four-year colleges (14.7 percent vs. 10 percent)
* More likely to have health insurance coverage (70.2 percent vs. 61.5 percent)
* Less likely to be arrested for a felony (16.5 percent vs. 21.1 percent) or incarcerated (20.6 percent vs. 25.6 percent)
* Less likely to have depressive symptoms (12.8 percent vs. 17.4 percent)
* Children who participated in the program during preschool and early school years also were more likely to be working full-time (42.7 percent vs. 36.4 percent), have completed more years of education and have lower rates of arrests for violent offenses (13.9 percent vs. 17.9 percent), and were less likely to receive disability assistance (4.4 percent vs. 7 percent).


These differences were still measurable two decades after the pre-school program.

Immigrants Are Less Likely To Commit Crimes

The facts showing that immigrants are less likely to commit crimes are here.

Iowa GOP Race Gone Nuts

The latest poll of registered Republican in Iowa (July-August 2007) about the Presidential race is very bad news for certain candidates. The results:

Romney 21.8%
Giuliani 10.0%
Obama 6.7%
Thompson 5.2%
McCain 1.8%

When a Democrat is out polling two of the four front runners for the Republican Presidential nomination in Iowa among registered Republicans, this is really bad news for Republicans. Support for Romney has grown, while support for Giuliani and McCain has plummeted.

Republicans who intend to go to the Iowa caucuses are less anomolous:

Romney 26.9% (rising)
Giuliani 11.3% (falling)
Thompson 6.5% (rising)
Tancredo 4.2%
Brownback 4.2%
McCain 3.2% (falling)

While it is too early for Romney supporters to celebrate, with the undecided ranks still large, Giuliani and McCain's stars waning, and Thompson so far back, Romney is clearly the man to beat on the Republican side of the Presidential race.

It also doesn't hurt Romney that the Iowa caucuses are followed by the New Hampshire primary, which is right in his backyard.

Among all registered voters polled in Iowa on the Democratic side, Clinton (rising support) led Obama (rising support) who was ahead of Edwards (falling support) who led Richardson (stable).

State Pardons

Republican Governor Ted Kulongoski of Oregon has granted six pardons in the past 4 1/2 years. There have been 301 appplications. His predecessors in office also granted only a small number of pardons:

In his eight years in office, Democrat John Kitzhaber was less lenient, granting only four of 528 applications—less than 1 percent. But Democrat Barbara Roberts, in her single four-year term, gave pardons to 16 out of 177 applicants—over 8 percent[.]


In addition to the six pardons:

Kulongoski has also commuted two sentences, both affected by Measure 11 [which instituted mandatory sentencing for violent offenders and was sponsored by the Governor] for crimes committed by minors:

David Gene Thomas robbed a corner grocery when he was 17. He was incarcerated until Kulongoski commuted his sentence June 3, 2005, two days before his 25th birthday.

Samihe Damian Zarif was convicted of second-degree robbery at age 15. Kulongoski commuted his sentence Oct. 10, 2003, five months before his 70-month sentence was to end, when Zarif was 20.


Who got the six pardons?

Four of the six are immigrant women who have lived in the state 20-plus years. They are people who, after a relatively minor infraction of the law, faced the threat of deportation to their native countries—or, if traveling abroad to visit family, the likelihood they would not be allowed back into the country each had called home for most of their lives.


One was convicted in 1991 of delivering cocaine. She "was 24, homeless and spoke no English when she accepted an offer to stay at a stranger's house fresh after arriving in Eugene from Mexico. The trouble started when her hosts got a delivery of cocaine. 'The woman who rented the residence was pregnant and did not get around easily,' Morales wrote in her pardon application. 'I offered to go outside and retrieve the drugs for her.' Morales retrieved them from an undercover cop and was arrested. She received probation. Then, in 2001, Morales was mistakenly arrested and charged with possession and intent to deliver meth until her attorney got a video of the drug deal that showed Morales wasn't involved. But even though the charges were dismissed, immigration began deportation proceedings against her and her three daughters based on the 1991 conviction."

A second involved "a 45-year-old native Norwegian, was detained at Seattle-Tacoma International Airport for three weeks in 2003 on her way back to Oregon from Norway. Deportation proceedings began against her after authorities realized she had a 10-year-old drug conviction, when she and her husband were busted with six pot plants. Rein's case stirred The Oregonian's editorial page to implore Kulongoski to keep 'this Oregonian wife and mother in Oregon.'"

The third woman, who was "31, fled Guatemala to Northeast Portland with her family at the age of 6. In 1991, at age 20, she was arrested after trying to steal some clothes from Meier & Frank and some sausages and a video of The Usual Suspects from Cub Foods in Tigard, among other items totaling about $75. When immigration officials began efforts to deport her, they called the attempted thefts 'crimes of moral turpitude.' [She] turned to the pardon process, saying in her application that she had endured years of sexual abuse from family members before the attempted thefts."

The last woman "wanted to go home to Wales to visit her elderly parents," but she knew that she would not be able to return because she was convicted of growing more than 100 marijuana plants in 1987, and was granted a pardon after multiple attempts when "[h]er parents, both in their 80s, were ailing," almost 50 letters of support poured into the governor's office from friends and family of 'Fliss.'"

Two more pardons were granted to native Oregonians:

After repeated applications, one pardon was granted to a woman who

was newly divorced and trying to care for her daughter and dying 92-year-old grandmother. Slowly becoming buried in debt, she couldn't secure the higher-paying legal jobs she was trained for due to her [1989 meth conviction].


The last was a man who had a drug conviction in 1986. He was well connected and barred by law from having a video poker machine in his bar because of his prior conviction. It turns out that a rules change adopted 14 months before he got the pardon would have allowed him to have a video poker machine anyway.

The linked article also sums up data from other Pacific states:

In Washington, former Gov. Gary Locke pardoned 56 people during his tenure between 1997 and 2005. Current Washington Gov. Chris Gregoire has pardoned 11 people in her 2 1/2 years in office. Washington doesn't have statistics for how many applications each governor received.

California Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger, in office just under four years, has pardoned four people out of what his press office estimates are thousands of applicants.


Personally, I favor statutory, more or less automatic relief from all state and federal collateral effects of criminal convictions for ex-felons who have been crime free for an extended period on the order of ten years or so after incarceration has ended, which are the kind of cases that make up the bulk of executive pardons. This would refocus attention on the cases that matter most, which are questionable convictions, excessive judicial sentences, and true hardship situations for people with relatively recent convictions.

Another Renegade Trademark Suit

In proof that the trademark law of the United States is broken Johnson and Johnson is suing the American Red Cross for using the red cross logo that Johnson and Johnson uses to sell its products.

The irony is that Johnson and Johnson stole the logo from the Red Cross, which used it first, quite possibly for the purpose of appropriating the charity's public good will, and then apparently entered into a licensing agreement in 1895 for which it apparently pays no royalties. This suit apparently claims that the Red Cross violated the licensing agreement in 2004 by allowing others to produce products under Red Cross license. It also seems to claim that the American Red Cross is barred by its charter from licensing products (despite the fact that Johnson and Johnson itself is the beneficiary of such an arrangement and has been for more than a century).

There is a tradition, which may or may not have case law support, that a lease more than 99 years was historically invalid under the rule against perpetuities. I'm not aware of any cases that apply that rule to trademarks, but this would be the ideal case to explore the idea. Absent the 1895 agreement, it looks to me as if Johnson and Johnson would have no right to sue the American Red Cross for trademark violations, as the Red Cross is the senior user of the mark.

It also isn't obvious to me that the red cross symbol hasn't been diluted to the point of no longer having a secondary meaning associated only with the charity and Johnson and Johnson. My perception is that the symbol used widely by a variety of ambulance companies and hospitals, apparently without objection or a formal license, as a symbol that they are medical service providers.

Advertising works two ways. It both gives a mark secondary meaning that makes it protectable, and it catapults that mark into our general popular culture. The notion that company should own rights to something that is part of our popular culture is repugnant to free speech ideas, which is why trademark dilution is recognized as a legal doctrine.

At any rate, one thing the case does illustrate well is that there is no fixed durational limit on a trademark, even though both copyrights and patents have fixed durations (not necessarily a bad legal principle). Trademarks lapse only when they are abandoned, which happens rather frequently, because most businesses that obtain trademarks go out of business years or decades after they are founded.

Even more troubling, to my sensibilities, is the relief requested, which makes all sorts of sense from a crude property law analogy, but is, in practice, horribly wasteful and makes little economic sense in the intellectual property context. Johnson and Johnson is asking "that all the goods be destroyed and that all profits from the goods, along with costs and punitive damages, be awarded to Johnson & Johnson." This case is an excellent one to illustrate how an disgorgement remedy based on an unjust enrichment theory makes much more sense than the remedy Johnson & Johnson, supported by the status quo law, is asking the Court to provide.

Prosecutors Still On Crack in Florida

Prosecutors in Florida are still attempting to have a retrial of in the case of Mark O'Hara, where a man was convicted and sentenced to 25 years in prison for possessing prescription drugs for which he had a presecription. An appeallate court overturned the conviction finding the prosecution's legal theory absurd, ruling after the man had already spent two years in prison for the non-offense.

O'Hara spent two years of a 25-year sentence in prison after a jury found him guilty of trafficking in hydrocone. He was arrested by Tampa International Airport police in 2004 after they found the Vicodin and a small amount of marijuana in his illegally parked bread truck.

O'Hara didn't contest the marijuana charge, which netted 67 days in jail. However, he swore he had a prescription for the pills. A doctor and a pharmacist backed him up at trial. But jurors weren't told that it is legal to possess the drug with a prescription.

In July, the 2nd District Court of Appeal overturned O'Hara's conviction.


Sadly, while I'm not sure quite why this happens, an important minority of prosecutors seem highly succeptable to a tendency to press for convictions and maximum sentences beyond all standards of reasonableness and any legal authority to the contrary.

Most prosecutors have, at least, a mild case of this disease, but it is rarely as aggravated as this Florida case. On average, you are far more likely to get a break you aren't legally entitled to when facing criminal charges from a prosecutor than you are from a judge.

For example, in Colorado, only one of twenty-one district attorney's offices in the state routinely seek enhanced habitual criminal sentences in a large share of cases eligible for that kind of sentencing, and most of the time most district attorneys' offices offer reasonably lenient plea bargains in escape charges where the escape is a mere walkaway or AWOL case involving a halfway house or work release offender. Likewise, the vast majority of Colorado district attorneys seek the death penalty in only a small proportion of cases eligible for that punishment. But, those prosecutors don't make the headlines or fill appellate court dockets.

From here via How Appealing.

08 August 2007

The Waiting Place

Dr. Suess warned us about the waiting place.

You can get so confused
that you'll start in to race
down long wiggled roads at a break-necking pace
and grind on for miles across weirdish wild space,
headed, I fear, toward a most useless place.
The Waiting Place...

...for people just waiting.
Waiting for a train to go
or a bus to come, or a plane to go
or the mail to come, or the rain to go
or the phone to ring, or the snow to snow
or waiting around for a Yes or a No
or waiting for their hair to grow.
Everyone is just waiting.

Waiting for the fish to bite
or waiting for wind to fly a kite
or waiting around for Friday night
or waiting, perhaps, for their Uncle Jake
or a pot to boil, or a Better Break
or a sting of pearls, or a pair of pants
or a wig with curls, or Another Chance.
Everyone is just waiting.


Sad to say, but I'm there a bit today. Minor things really.

Waiting for an appellate ruling to be released tomorrow in one of my cases. When I have my reporter hat on, it is quite useful to know which appellate decisions will be released the next day. But, as an attorney with a client who will be impacted by the decision, the wait is far more difficult to endure.

Waiting to see which teachers my children will be assigned to for the coming year of school, and what school supplies they need to buy. School starts in a week and a half, and we still don't know (ah DPS)! Also, waiting to meet a new principal appointed after the hire made at the end of last year fell through in the summer, and new teachers at the school who could very well end up teaching my kids.

Waiting to decide what I want to do when I grow up. Funny, how you can establish a career, get married, have a couple of kids and a mortgage, and still wonder that, but while the answer gets somewhat narrower over time, there are always options.

Of course, I'm also somewhere among the people described in Bernstein's Mass:

Half the people are stoned
And the other half are waiting for the next election.
Half the people are drowned
And the other half are swimming in the wrong direction.


They call it glorious living!

Sentencing in Maine

This article, compares the sentencing laws of Maine to those of the federal system. Those familiar with the federal system can make a good guess about which will be deemed better.

Paying For Mistakes

A mentally retarded man, who is a U.S. citizen with a Latino name was arrested "on charges of trespassing and spraying graffiti at an airplane junkyard in Lancaster. In April, he was sentenced to 120 days in jail, but that was reduced to 40 days. On May 11, before his sentence was up, Guzman called his family from Tijuana and told them he had been deported."

The man "who cannot read or write, spent much of the 89 days in Baja, California, on foot, avoiding human contact, eating from garbage cans and bathing in rivers," when he was found by family members searching for him.

The official response was typical:

Sheriff's officials had turned Guzman over to federal immigration agents after he apparently indicated that he was born in Mexico. U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement officials denied at the time that anything improper was done, issuing a statement that said it deports individuals only "when all available credible evidence suggests the person is an alien. That process was followed here and ICE has no reason to believe that it improperly removed Pedro Guzman."

On Tuesday, an immigration official reiterated the agency's position.

"We're confident our standards and procedures were followed correctly," spokeswoman Lori Haley said.


So what? Suppose that everything that the government is saying is true. Should it matter? Clearly, in a civil rights action, which requires proof of intentional misconduct, it does. Indeed, it even matters in a common law negligence suit brought against jail operators under a waiver of sovereign immunity that applies to harms negligently caused to inmates, although even that decision would be a stretch.

But, maybe the law is an ass and should be changed. The approach, in particular, that comes to mind is that of the takings clause of the 5th Amendment. It provides that:

No persons shall . . . be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor shall private property be taken for public use without just compensation.


When the government takes your property, the 5th Amendment affords you a right to just compensation. It doesn't matter if the taking is intentional, reckless, negligent or blameless. If the government takes it for the public good, you are entitled to compensation.

Why shouldn't that approach be broader? Why shouldn't any citizen exiled from his country be entiteld to compensation? Why shouldn't someone who is arrested or searched in a good faith mistake be entitled to compensation? Why shouldn't someone who is wrongfully convicted be entitled to compensation?

Is any valid public purpose served by allowing the government to escape liability for harms imposed negligently or despite good intentions, that deprive them of liberty which they did nothing to forfeit? Isn't an incentive for government to prevent this kind of harms sensible? And, even if viewed as a form of social insurance, isn't insurance against randomly losing your liberty at the hands of government officials despite the fact that you did nothing to deserve it, just the kind of thing that is appropriate for a social insurance program?

Most of the time, the harm is likely to be far less. Most adult Americans who are wrongfully deported could go to an embassy, call a family member to fax over some proof of citizenship, and catch the next bus home with a temporary passport in a matter of days. In cases like that, compensation would be modest. But, in a case like this one, where the harm was greater, the compensation would also be greater.

Of course, the government would not be responsible under this theory if bandits rob you, and then dump you on the other side of the Rio Grande without identification. Aid to citizens in this case would have to come from the general goodwill to expatriots fund in the State Department --- the same approach used when the Marines evacuate Americans from some third world city where war errupts.

Rather than seeing this right as a drain on the public purse, a program like this ought to be seen as a warning system calling attention to policies that don't work, so that we can make the government better. The GAO ought to regularly review cases to determine what could prevent similar cases from recurring. No system is perfect. Mistakes will be made and people will be hurt in the process. It is too much to expect a government to never make mistakes that violate people's rights. But, it is not too much to expect the government to pay for the harm it causes when this happens.

Hat Tip to Luis at Square State.

Meto Denver Home Prices Down

The median price for a single-family home dipped 1.7 percent to $255,000 compared with last year, and the median price for a condo dropped 3 percent to $158,000 in July.


The Denver Post is relying in regular commentator Gary Bauer, who is a professional acquitance and pretty good guy.

While Denver real estate conditiosn don't meet bubble bursting standards, a decline is still bad news, especially in light on meaningful, if low grade inflation. In inflation adjusted terms, Denver house prices are down about 5-6%, in an investment where most owners outside real estate bubbles expect to break even with infliation, but not to make a big profit.

I take particular note of statistics that show building permits up in Denver, while down in other metropolitan countries.

07 August 2007

2402 Posts

This blog is 25 months and 5 days old. It has 2,402 posts.

I've been drifting into being more of a law blog lately (almost eclusively in most posting at Colorado Confidential), although I don't know if this will be a long term trend. I've also given military blogging a bit of a shot in the arm after an extended period of relative neglect, but I have let public health blogging slide a little.

I have no major software, platform, or blogging policy changes planned in the near future. There are a couple of behind the scenes blogs, but I'll deal with them. The blog roll probably needs some light weeding and additions of new talent. But, only incrementally. I'm not planning to go much more visual, as blog competitors like MySpace and Facebook. I'm also not willing to be much less eclectic than I've been in the past, or to take on a co-blogger.

I have several almost ready to post examinations of Colorado's criminal code offline, which I should probably polish and continue that series of posts.

I remain baffled by how highly some of my posts are Google ranked, often appearing at the top of seemingly routine searches. I have several dozen other blogs that link to me, some of which are academic, and frequently link to academic and government sources, which may provide credibility, and I have been around for longer than many blogs, especially spam full blogs. But, on many of these topics I still ask myself how I ended up being the second or third search result, instead of someone who makes a living being an expert in these fields.

Whatever the reason, I think those of you who have arrived here via search engines. Enjoy.

The Art of Technology Prediction

It is relatively easy to make some relatively straightforward predictions about particular technologies with considerable accuracy.

We can predict that next generation computers will have more powerful microprocessors and the future memory devices will store more with quick recall times. We can predict what is possible with unmanned aircraft in thie military. We can predict winners and losers in some plausible peak oil scenarios. We can predict with considerable detail the impact of melting icecaps that raise sea levels in various amounts -- something devastating to Miami, Florida, but not directly relevant at all in Denver, Colorado. We can predict likely new classes of drugs to treat particular classes of illnesses.

The really hard part, is predicting how unrelated developments influence the choices people make and the technology that they end up using in the bigger picture.

Predicting that digital cameras would improve was a no brainer. Predicting that digital cameras would squeeze film cameras out of the market to a great extent was far harder to predict. that kind of prediction requires a particular kind of consumer level analysis of all relevant choices along with solid estimates of what retail prices are possible for particular services.

Will next generation MP3 players kill compact disks? Quite possibly, but it is a much trickier analysis.

The possibility of digitizing books is long standing, but the niches where this has become common place, like academic journals and legal reference works, was far harder to prediction. And the Google led effort to put the full text of the vast majority of the public domain online has dramatically impacted the future of the online book industry.

It is one thing to point out advances in car technology. It is another to be accurate in predicting the big winners in different modes like rail, road, and air. This is particularly true because methods of transportation like airplanes are as much impacted in flight times, and hence trip value, by security and billing constraints as by technological limitations. Similarly, the winner in the race between diesel, ethanol, gasoline, hybrid-electric, fuel cell, natural gas, hydrogen, and other conceivable motor vehicle engine systems is economically crucial, but hard to pick a winner for. And, how do changes in urban planning figure into the mix? In two decades we will have a new model, but what it will start to look like is hard to tell, in part because technology, far more so than science, is path dependent. When more than one technology was possible at one point, the one chosen is often largely a historical artifact with few technological features that explain it, particularly when compatibility is an issue.

Against Arbitration

I frequently draft contracts for clients. I rarely recommend arbitration.

Pros and Cons

Arbitration is faster than going to court. Arbitration is not much cheaper (if at all) than going to court, although the spending is more compressed. On average, arbitration decisions themselves aren't meaningfully more or less accurate than having a case decided by a judge. But, unlike a court decision, an arbitration award generally isn't subject to appeal, so if the arbitrator gets it wrong, you have no recourse.

There are rare cases where an arbitration decision gets overturned by a court -- sometimes the decision itself doesn't provide an answer to the parties have because it isn't clearly drafted, sometimes it is possible to prove corruption on the part of the arbitrators, and sometimes the arbitrators are so grossly wrong that a court intervenes. (The rare linked case where a court intervened was one where a court first vacated an arbitration award for manifest disregard of employment law, and then ignored the court's order to consider the law on remand to the arbitrator).

Arbitration is generally not a good option when part of the relief a party needs is to direct a public official to take some prompt action (e.g. evict someone, enforce a non-competition agreement with injunctive relief, or impose a preliminary injunction against a governmental rule). It is also not a good option where important evidence is likely to be held by third parties who aren't party to the agreement.

If the stakes are high relative to your net worth, you don't want to have to risk the uncertainty that comes with arbitration, which is even greater than the uncertainty that comes with court resolutions where appeals and review of previous public proceedings can provide insight.

But, arbitration awards can be, and routinely are, affirmed by courts even when it is demonstrably clear that the arbitrators made clear mistakes of fact not supported by the evidence that they heard, or definitely get the law wrong. To be overturned by a court (as in the case linked above), they need to be told by a party what the correct law is, and still snub their nose at the law in a situation where the law is unambiguously clear (in the case above, no attorneys fees at all were awarded to an employee who was awarded substantial compensatory and punitive damages in an employment discrimination case as a result of the employer's proven age discrimination, until a federal court remanded the case for reconsideration).

When Arbitration Makes Sense

For arbitration to be desirable for a client, one of the following things must be true:

1. No individual matter arbitrated must be too important for the client to lose big because the arbitrator reaches the wrong result, and the client must have a large number of matters to arbitrate, OR

2. The client would be significantly harmed by allowing the public to view the process, OR

3. Swift resolution of claims has a value greater than an accurate resolution of claims, OR

4. The skill set or ideological disposition required for a just resolution is completely beyond the competence of judges and juries.

Most cases where arbitration makes sense fall into my first category above.

For any big business that handles lots of transactions with consumers, a substantial percentage of which produce disputes, arbitration is great. The stakes in any individual case are small, the cases are small enough for cases wrongly decided in a customer's favor to be balanced by cases wrongly decided in the company's favor, cases get off the balance sheet quickly, and class actions which can threaten a company's existence are largely prevented from arising. The risk of paying large court costs at the end of a process selected by one of the parties whom the arbitration arrangement has an institutional interest in keeping happy also discourage disgruntled consumers from complaining in the first place.

The laws of probability themselves favor plaintiffs in class actions based on weak cases (often weak because of a legal determination that a judge has to stretch to reach, rather than a factual determination), for example, cases with only a 20%-30% chance of success. On average, most of the plaintiffs will lose one by one, if cases are decided independently. But, they can have a real chance of all winning if they get lucky and a court (and single jury hearing the case) resolve the case in their favor, and this gives class action cases great settlement value, because many businesses could not survive losing a class action case.

Arbitration may be tolerable in these cases for consumers in small transactions too, as arbitration may be somewhat more friendly to pro se parties in small cases. But arbitration is a nightmare for employees or others in transactions which are a big deal for the small player, but no big deal for the big business. The asymetry in this class of cases is what makes arbitration controversial. Probably the most important cases of abuse in this class of casees involve arbitration agreements between securities firms and the employers and investors they do business with, where the track record of abuse is abysmal (not surprisingly, the arbitration award overturned in the above link involved this system).

Another manifestation of my first category involves resolving routine small disputes between repeat players who are "big boys" in a way the prevents all out war from breaking out. Labor arbitration happens because both unions and management see the resolution of individual employee disputes as expendible and small, relative to the need to continue dealing with each other. Similarly, arbitration is a good way to resolve disputes between Realtors over who is entitled to a commission (and how much) when both were involved in a transaction, or between multiple insurance companies over who has to cover a claim when the damages are clearly less than the coverage limits but who is on the risk is unclear. Arbitration is also often a good mechanism for resolving disputes between a general contractor and a subcontractor who frequently work together on construction jobs.

A good example of a case in the second category is a dispute between a patent lawyer and a client over fees. Preserving the confidentiality of the secret patent information and the litigation strategy involved may supercede other interests. Another example of a case in the second category is an arbitration agreement in place between units within a political party over financial disputes between subunits of the party; where the harm litigation could do to the common purpose of all party members outweighs other considerations.

An example of the third class of claims are disputes in sports matches (some of which are high stakes business propositions). Major League Baseball can't afford to let the "pine tar incident" go unresolved (and with it, for the outcome of the season's pennant race) to go unresolved, for the several years that a court process accompanied by appeals can take.

Examples of the fourth class of claims include situations like property disputes involving a gay couple in a region that is hostile to gays, disputes involving the right to hold clerical office, resolutions of disputes over technical scientific questions, and business disputes in countries with poorly developed legal systems in the third world.

Mediation Compared

In contrast, mediation, which simply requires the parties to discuss resolution of a case on a facilitated basis, is appropriate in almost every dispute, unless (1) it is too small a matter to be worth the extra effort to be worthwhile to hire both a third party mediator and a third party judge, (2) it requires too quick a resolution to allow for that delay (e.g. election cases), (3) the is no middle ground for compromise in the dispute, or (4) the parties lack the authority to resolve the matter by mutual agreement.

Courts require, or strongly encourage, mediation in most classes of civil cases and even some criminal matters, anyway.

Mediation's problem, shared with the court system generally, is that the party with the most staying power and best understanding of the likely resolution of the case on the merits is at an advantage. Mediation can legitimatize exploitation of a financially pressured or unrepresented party.

06 August 2007

Where To Begin?

It is hard to keep up hope for a better day in Africa after reading things like this:

Of the 658 rape victims treated since the end of the war at the capital's main rape clinic, more than half were under 12 and 85 percent were under 18, according to Medecins sans Frontieres, which runs the hospital. Several babies have been treated for rape.

Despite these figures and the line of women that forms outside the rape clinic every morning, only five convicted rapists are serving sentences in Monrovia's central prison. . . .

Liberia has just 22 judges . . . Because Liberia's penal code has been out of print since the 1950s, judges rely on blurred photocopies of the statutes. . . .

Billboards throughout the capital now warn that rape is illegal by showing two stick figures, one forcing itself on the other - the scene crossed out by a large X.

When Liberia, a nation of 3 million, began its descent into civil war in 1989, rape quickly became a weapon. Before killing villagers, the rebels gang-raped girls and took them as "wives" to service multiple commanders. Thousands of rapes went unprosecuted.


Tough new laws were passed at the end of 2005, but cases are still working their way through the system and the system is still broken.

National Guard Casualties

According to recently-retired Brigadier General George Clark, speaking to the Douglas Demomcrats Central Committee meeting in Colorado recently, nearly half of guardsmen deployed to Iraq or Afghanistan end up with problems related to Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder or Traumatic Brain Injury.

The New Democratic Party Coalition

Once upon a time, when I was a young man just starting to pay attention to Congressional politics, we had a de facto three party system in the United States. There were Northern Democrats, Southern Democrats and Republicans. Southern Democrats parted ways with the Northern counterparts and joined Republicans on issues of national defense, civil rights and civil liberties.

This is no longer true. We still have a three party system, but, as this Daily Kos post illustrates, the three parties are now, regular Democrats, Blue Dog Democrats, and Republicans.

The Blue Dogs proudly call themselves conservative Democrats and there are 44 of them in the House out of 231 Democrats (there are 202 Republicans and 2 vacancies). Thus, there are 187 regular Democrats, 44 Blue Dogs and 202 Republicans, plus 2 vacancies. There isn't a formal Blue Dog caucus in the Senate (which has 49 Democrats, 49 Republicans, liberal independent Bernie Sanders, and moderate independent Joe Lieberman), but the number of Senators who vote like Blue Dogs is similarly a small part of the entire Democratic Party caucus.

Realignment has turned a lot of Southern Democratic seats into Republican seats, and replaced all but a handful of Rockefeller Republicans with Democrats. It has also left a more clear line between Blue Dogs and the rest of the Republican party (Markos at Kos has repeatly observed accurately that the voting record of non-Blue Dog members of the supposedly moderate Democratic Leadership Council look a lot like non-DLC Democrats). The Blue Dogs are fewer in number than either the DLC or the Southern Democrats who held the moderate reins before them. The Blue Dogs are also not nearly as distinctively Southern in character, although many are from the South. But, they still hold the swing votes on a variety of issues.

The Jurisprudence Of Justice Thomas

A succinct description of originalism a la Justice Thomas:

Despite the vast differences between public education then and public education today, Justice Thomas evidently believes the question of whether students have free-speech rights should be answered by conducting an imaginary séance with 18th- and 19th-century Framers and ratifiers, who should be asked: Do you think public-school students have a constitutional right to free speech while in school? This line of inquiry is about as productive as asking an only child: Imagine you have a sister. Now, does she like cheese? . . . he asks how those alive at the relevant time would have applied that language to a set of facts different than we face today. This elevates the expectations of the ratifiers and Framers over the meaning of the text itself.


One more reason that Democrats need to take a hard line on ideological conservative justices, who seem to be the President's favorite kind, after all, he has specifically said that he wants to appoint Justices like Justice Thomas.

Pandemics Cataloged

A good list of major historical pandemics is found at Non-Prophet.

Wikispecies

Taxonomy is easier and more responsive now that Wikispecies is online. Until this tool was created there was no easy to use compendium of the complete tree of life. There were a few sources out there online with the information, but they were hard to use and had weak user interfaces.

03 August 2007

Patent Reform

Congress is attempting to complete the first major overhaul of the nation's patent law in more than half a century. . . . Pharmaceuticals and biotech companies need exclusive rights to single patents, protecting, for example, a drug resulting from millions of dollars of research. Big technology, whose products often contain hundreds and even thousands of patented parts, is bedeviled by too many bad patents, infringement lawsuits and skyrocketing damages.

Earlier this month, a House and a Senate bill, identical when introduced last April, emerged from their respective judiciary committees -- a major step in this long-running effort. Following committee amendments, the bills are no longer identical, but there is some agreement among all parties that the House bill has made greater progress. . . .

[T]he greatest single obstacle to a patent reform compromise is how to calculate infringement damages, particularly, as in the high-tech world, when the infringing component is only part of a larger and more complex device.

U.S. district courts currently use a flexible 15-factor test . . . big technology . . . . has argued that the standard for calculating damages should be based on the fair share of the patent's contribution to the value of a product, and not on the value of a whole product that has many other components. . . . the House committee amended the damages provision to give judges discretion to decide, based on the facts of the case, whether damages should be apportioned, as technology companies would like, whether they should be based on the value of the entire invention, or by other means. . . .

The second major issue dividing the stakeholders concerns how to challenge the validity of patents. . . . Big technology and the financial services industry . . . are finding themselves in lawsuits in areas in which they never dreamt they would face lawsuits and on patents that seem laughable on their face[.]

This country, unlike others, does not have a post-grant opposition procedure . . . Both congressional bills provide for a post-grant review administrative proceeding for would-be patent challengers. The battle has been over how much time after a patent has issued it should be open to challenge. The bills originally allowed challenges within a set amount of time after the patent issued, but a second "window" for challenges would open when an infringer had reason to believe it had infringed the patent. . . .

The House committee eliminated the "second window" and decided to expand an existing but limited procedure known as the inter-partes re-examination procedure, which allows third parties to challenge a patent on novelty grounds in the PTO. The Senate bill still has the second window and, according to some, a very low threshold for challenges. . . .

All parties seem to have accepted provisions in the reform bills that would bring the United States into harmony with the rest of the world by shifting this country away from awarding patents to those "first to invent" to those who are "first to file." . . .

Under current law, an action can be brought in any district in which the defendant is subject to personal jurisdiction -- in reality, wherever an infringing product is sold. The bills would limit venue to districts where either a party resides or where the defendant has committed the infringement and has a regular place of business.

The venue change is clearly directed at the allegedly plaintiff-patent-popular Eastern District of Texas. . . .

[T]echnology companies want the bills to scale back the availability of treble damages when courts find "willful" or knowing infringement. The current standard is too easily met, those companies contend.

And biotech and pharmaceuticals want the use of a patent holder's "inequitable conduct" curtailed as a ground for holding a patent invalid. Alleged infringers can now argue that the patent is invalid because the holder did not disclose sufficient information about the invention during the patenting process.


From here.

In this fight, the computer guys wear the white hats, and the guys that smell funny are the bad guys. The House Bill looks like it has a real chance, and it would be an improvement.

Bland Election Ahead In Denver In 2007

The year 2007 is an odd numbered year and an election will be held in Colorado on November 6, 2007, although it is likely to be completely or principally conducted by mail this year. Denver's ballot will be entirely by mail, for example.

No county, state or federal races or issues

There will be no elections for federal office, no elections for statewide office, no elections to the state general assembly, no elections for district attorneys, no metropolitian Denver regional transporation district elections, no judicial retention elections and no elections for county office in statutory counties.

While there could be certain kinds of statewide ballot issues on the November 2007 ballot (those pertaining to TABOR limits only), there won't be any this year. I'm not aware of any referenda placed on the ballot by the state legislature for this year, and while it won't be official until August 6, 2007, no one is circulating petitions to put a state level citizen initiative on the November 2007 ballot to the best of my knowledge.

Denver candidate elections in 2007 were held in the spring, and have been completed, barring a vacancy created in any position in the near future. Vacancies elections could be held in November if any Denver vacancies were announced in the near future.

Denver School Board

This leaves Denver voters only one set of candidates to consider -- candidates for the Denver School Board. The Denver Board of Education has seven members, two "at large" and five from school board districts. School board elections are staggered, so only three of those seven seats will be at stake in this November's election.

One is the "at large" seat currently held by school board President Theresa K. Peña. While she has served on the school board for more than four years, I believe (without having consulted the relevant laws), that the fact that she went from a board district seat to an at large seat reset the term limit clock for her, so she is probably able to run again. And, most incumbents able to do so, in fact, do run.

The second is the seat currently held by school board Vice President Bruce L. Hoyt, who represents District 1 in Southeast Denver, he is finishing his first term of office so he is not subject to term limits.I suspect he will run again and win with the advantage that incumbents usually have in these races, mostly for the very reasonable reason that the voters in that jurisdiction liked the incumbent last time and usually haven't changed much in the past four years.

The third is the seat currently held by school board member Rev. Lucia Guzman, who represents District 5 in Northwest Denver, she cannot run again due to term limits, since she has served two terms on the board (although she could run for the "at large" seat if my interpretation is correct).

School board elections are non-partisan, so there are no primaries in school district races, and customarily, Denver political parties don't take any position on non-partisan school board candidates, although it wouldn't be unprecedented for a political party to take a position on a ballot issue proposed by the school board.

I live in District 1, so that means that I will have zero, one, or two races to consider in the fall, depending upon whether the incumbents run again, and whether any challengers step up to the plate. Quite frankly, I wouldn't be at all surprised to see both the "at large" seat and District 1 go uncontested, but in a city as big as this one, with roughly 110,000 people per school board district, and an election held only once every four years in a school district facing a variety of hard choices, it wouldn't be that surprising to see a challenger emerge either.

The deadline to declare that you are a school board candidate in one of these races is August 31, 2007, so we'll know who is running in four weeks.

Denver Ballot Issues

It looks like we will probably get a quite few local ballot issues in November in Denver.

One City and County of Denver issue concerning making marijuana enforcement a low priority is notable, and is probably going to be the only citizen initiative on the ballot this fall.

Denver voters may also have to consider some complicated fiscal issues:

Denver's planned $550 million bond package and a $27 million tax increase for infrastructure will have to be divided into eight questions on the November ballot, raising concern among City Council members that the projects will be pitted against one another. That scenario already had one council member referring to a grouping for cultural projects as expendable "icing" when the plan was presented to City Council Wednesday. The eight separate questions are required by Colorado case law. On top of that, the city's bonding capacity will further complicate the questions. If any of the bond groupings that cost $70 million or more were to fail at the polls, the city's property-tax rate would remain the same as it is now. If all pass, the tax rate will rise to pay for the cost of the bonds. Regardless, if voters approve the one question increasing the tax rate to pay for maintenance of all the proposed new projects, the city's rate will rise.


There may also be some charter amendment issues originating with city council, most of which will probably be sleepers.

Other Local Ballot Issues

The school board might have a bond or tax issue on the ballot this time around. It also isn't out of the realm of possibility that some special district, say Denver Water or the stadium board, could put a funding issue on the November ballot. I haven't heard about any fiscal matters other than Denver's this time around, however.

Deadlines

The final list of the ballot issues we'll face in November should be in place in the next few days, if it isn't already. The ballot must be finalized by September 7, 2007, and ballots start to go out to certain voters three days later. Blue books explaining ballot issues must be mailed by October 5, 2007.

Television News Deconstructed

Is TV news really about facts, or really about sharing emotions?

Via NewMexiKen.

02 August 2007

Big Three A Minority

NewMexiKen notes:

“GM, Ford, Chrysler Combined Have 48% of Market Share.” . . . It’s the first month ever that U.S. automakers have been below 50%.


The source story at the Washington Post notes:

Japanese automakers . . . enjoy lower U.S. labor costs, positive foreign exchange rates and more popular product lines.

Toyota's Lexus brand sold 27,141 in July -- nearly double the sales of Ford's entire European luxury line from Volvo, Jaguar and Land Rover.


Sales were down almost across the board in July, but U.S. automaker's sales fell faster (in part due to decreased interest in low profit rental fleet sales):

GM -22.4% (to 312,623 vehicles)
Ford -20% (to 179,218 vehicles)
Chrysler -8.4% (to 137,728 vehicles)
Toyota -7.3% (to 224,058 vehicles)
Honda -7.1%
Nissan +1.7%

Toyota sold more cars than either Ford or Chrysler. So, Toyota is number two in U.S. auto sales. This is likely to remain the case, as Ford is trying to spin off some of its brands (Jaguar and Land Rover are on the auction block and it is widely rumored that Volvo might follow), while Toyota is not.

More Than Mistakes

[A] recently completed study of the 124 exonerations of death row inmates in America from 1973 to 2007 indicated that 80, or about two-thirds, of their so-called wrongful convictions resulted not from good-faith mistakes or errors but from intentional, willful, malicious prosecutions by criminal justice personnel. (There were four cases in which a determination could not be made one way or another.) . . . When a prosecutor puts a witness on the stand whom he knows to be lying, or fails to turn over evidence favorable to the defense, or when a police officer manufactures or destroys evidence to further the likelihood of a conviction, then it is deceptive to term these conscious violations of the law . . . as merely mistakes or errors.


The New York Times via Think Outside the Cage.

A Case For Copyright Reform

Samuelson, Pamela, "Preliminary Thoughts on Copyright Reform", Utah Law Review, 2007. Here is a case for copyright reform (abstract here):

The Copyright Act of 1976 is far too long, complex, and largely incomprehensible to non-copyright professionals. It is also the work product of pre-computer technology era. This law also lacks normative heft. That is, it does not embody a clear vision about what its normative purposes are.

This article offers the author's preliminary thoughts about why copyright reform is needed, why it will be difficult to undertake, and why notwithstanding these difficulties, it may nonetheless be worth doing. It offers suggestions about how one might go about trimming the statute to a more managemable length, articulating more simply its core normative purposes, and spinning certain situation-specific provisions off into a rulemaking process.

Thirty years after enactment of the '76 Act, with the benefit of considerable experience with computer and other advanced technologies and the rise of amateur creators, it may finally be possible to think through in a more comprehensive way how to adapt copyright to digital networked environments as well as how to maintain its integrity as to existing industry products and services that do not exist outside of the digital realm.


Via The Patry Copyright Blog.

Interesting Personal Jurisdiction Case

A couple in Pennsylvania receives advertisements from a Barbados hotel at their home, and then books a trip including a massage there before they leave. In Barbados, the husband is hurt falling off a massage table due to the negligence of the massage staff.

The couple sues the hotel in Pennsylvania for negligence in Pennsylvania state courts. The hotel removes the case to federal court. The federal trial court dismisses the case for want of personal jurisdiction. And, today, the United States Court of Appeals for the 3rd Circuit, reverses.

The 3rd Circuit holds that the district court has personal jurisdiction because the injuries arose out of duties identical to those imposed by a contract for personal services formed in Pennsylvania, but remands the case to consider a forum non conveniens motion not considered by the trial court because the personal jurisdiction ruling made its resolution unnecessary. How Appealing highlighted the case today.

While this case involved a Barbados hotel, its reasoning would apply to any personal injury arising out of services booked from a U.S. state anywhere in the U.S. or abroad which led to a personal injury, although, as discussed below, the impact on domestic cases is mitigated by venue rules.

The 19 page opinion, moreover, struggles at length with the mushy nature of personal jurisdiction law. There is a circuit split regarding the law on the issue, and the court in its own ruling, is as vague as it can manage to be about the standard in its own circuit while still resolving the question presented to it. The opinion also notes that even if the case is tried in Pennsylvania, that the substantive law of Barbados might be applied. Furthermore, if the case is dismissed on the basis of the forum non conveniens doctrine, an option the reluctant 3rd Circuit suggests might be an appropriate resolution of the case, then the case will likely be appealed again, but on a second appeal the review would likely be for "abuse of discretion" by the trial judge, rather than a "de novo" review of a question of law without deferring to the trial judge's ruling.

If this resort had been in Hawaii rather than Barbados, removal to federal court would have been swiftly followed by a successful motion to change venue to the United States District Court for the District of Hawaii, under 28 United States Code Section 1391. This venue statute provides in a case where there is a U.S. District Court which has jurisdiction and the case does not involve an "alien", a case based upon diversity of citizenship must be brought either in a judicial district where a defendant resides, or in a judicial district where "a substantial part of the events or omissions giving rise to the claim occurred." The procedural stance of the case would be somewhat more complicated than if the case has been brought in Hawaii in the first place, but the end result would probably be the same -- the case would likely have been decided by a Hawaii jury applying Hawaii law before a judge who very likely spent his legal career as a Hawaii lawyer before being appointed to the federal bench.

The desire of the couple to have their case tried in Pennsylvania is not surprising. Of course, it is cheaper for them to litigate in Pennsylvania, and more expensive for the Barbados defendants to bring their witnesses 1,200 miles to the U.S. Court. In Barbados, the substantive law establishing a standard of liability would probably be similar to that in Pennsylvania, with both recognizing some sort of claim for injuries as a result of negligent conduct. But, in Pennsylvania, liability and damages, quite possibly including damages for pain and suffering, will be determined by a Pennsylvania jury, instead of a Barbados judge ruling without a jury, who is probably predisposed to be favorable to the hometown defendant and is unlikely to make a substantial award of pain and suffering damages.

Of course, if the case doesn't settle, and the couple gets a judgment in a Pennsylvania federal court, they will still have to enforce their judgment, which may be a less than straightforward task when the defendant has no office or tangible assets in the United States. Jurisdiction issues may end up being re-litigated when the time comes to enforce any judgment in Barbados, if U.S. assets can't be located. Still, the Barbados company would be at a disadvantage at that point after having litigated the jurisdiction issues in U.S. courts. Indeed, allowing a default judgment to enter in the U.S. and then litigating jurisdiction for the first time when it is time to enforce the judgment might have been a wiser course of action for the hotel, although that approach would have put any U.S. intangible assets of the hotel, like accounts receivable from U.S. tourists, at risk indefinitely.

Did the 3rd Circuit get it right?

In this case, this resolution, particularly if the trial court grants motion to dismiss on forum non conveniens grounds which is affirmed on appeal, certainly will make the case much more expensive for everyone involved to resolve, and the case also creates increased uncertainty on the part of anyone doing business with the United States from abroad. For example, foreign hotels and spas might decide based upon this ruling to require that arrangements beyond hotel reservations can be made only in advance.

It also isn't clear why there wasn't a forum selection clause in the contract between the hotel and the couple, or if there was one, why it wasn't enforced. If a forum selection clause in a contract could resolve this case, one expects that those provisions will soon become the norm, because no casual holiday taker is going to haggle over that piece of fine print in a hotel contract. Once burned, twice shy.

The virtue of the 3rd Circuit decision making the choice of forum in this case a non-jurisdictional issue, is that, in some future case, it might be desirable for the doors to be open to the U.S. courts. For example, maybe a U.S. forum would make more sense if an American was injured in connection with a contractual undertaking in Somolia, whichg has no functioning court system, involving an entity which had U.S. based intangible assets. Whether this is worth the resulting uncertainty is hard to know.

01 August 2007

Secret Defense Spending

The Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessment has a method based upon public domain documentation of estimating classified defense spending. Their estimate is that there is $14.4 billion in procurement funding and $17.5 billion in R&D funding which is classified.

By their estimates, $13.9 billion of classified procurement and $11.3 billion of classfied R&D is Air Force (96.5% of black procurement and 79.9% of the total estimated black budget), and $0.5 billion of classified procurement and $3.7 of classfied R&D is allocated to other defense department agencies (like DARPA and the Defense intelligence agencies). No classified procurement is allocated to the Army or Navy, while there is $2.2 billion for Navy R&D, and $0.2 billion for Army R&D.

What sort of stuff is it likely to be?

Aviation Week reports the programs include...

...a growing ability to invade sensors, create false targets, take over networks, plant misleading information and mine computer data, even from manned or unmanned aircraft flying close to the emitter of interest. A new generation of stealth—that will be invulnerable to low- as well as high-frequency radar—is being developed.

A lot of money has gone into technologies to find, disarm, jam or preempt the construction, planting and detonation of improvised explosive devices. High-power microwave devices are being designed to disable electronics, erase or scramble computer memories, or shut down electrical activity in road vehicles, aircraft in flight or satellites in orbit.


Another source speculates:

The concentration of classified funding in the Air Force's budget is the result of two factors . . . . First, the Air Force acquisition budget contributes funds to a number of intelligence agencies, including the Central Intelligence Agency, National Security Agency and National Reconnaissance Office. Second, the Air Force is responsible for most command, control, communications and intelligence functions.


Jane's has a nice historical overview. The article speculated seven and a half years ago that:

One likely strategic goal of current SAPs is the pursuit of what one senior engineer calls "the next stealth" - breakthrough technologies that provide a significant military advantage. Examples could include high-speed technology - permitting reconnaissance and strike aircraft to cruise above M4­5 - and visual and acoustic stealth measures, which could re-open the airspace below 15,000ft (4,600m) to manned and unmanned aircraft.

The existence of high-supersonic aircraft projects has been inferred from sighting reports, the repeated, unexplained sonic booms over the US and elsewhere, the abrupt retirement of the SR-71 and from the focus of white-world programs, such as NASP and follow-on research efforts such as the USAF's HyTech program. The latter have consistently been aimed at gathering data on speeds in the true hypersonic realm - well above M6, where subsonic-combustion ramjets give way to supersonic-combustion ramjets (scramjets) - implying that speeds from M3 to M6 present no major unsolved challenges.

One researcher in high-speed technology has confirmed to IDR that he has seen what appear to be photographs of an unidentified high-speed aircraft, obtained by a US publication. In a recent sighting at Area 51, a group of observers claim to have seen a highly blended slender-delta aircraft which closely resembles the aircraft seen over the North Sea in August 1999. Visual stealth measures were part of the original Have Blue program, and one prototype was to have been fitted with a counter-illumination system to reduce its detectability against a brightly lit sky. However, both prototypes were lost before either could be fitted with such a system. More recent work has focused on electrochromic materials - flat panels which can change color or tint when subjected to an electrical charge - and Lockheed Martin Skunk Works is known to have co-operated with the DoE's Lawrence Berkeley Laboratory on such materials.


Speculation about high speed aircraft has continued (and was discussed critically at this blog within the past year). My guess would be that it isn't the program that is in the production phase right now, and indeed, might be something used as a cover to generate speculation and take attention away from the real programs being produced.

I'd place more stock on a footnote in a 2004 Congressional press release that "significant funding that is also included in the classified portion of the defense budget for Boeing-related work on programs such as the Future Imagery Architecture (FIA)." Raytheon also touted classified intelligence contracts in 2004 and in 2007. A Spring 2007 list of codenames can be found here. The abrupt cancellation of a B-52 based electronic warfare program without a replacement in 2005 is also notable and could signal a covert replacement.

Second generation stealth could be very expensive, as could new spy planes (or spy satellites) or large drones. The estimated Air Force classified procurement (meaning buying stuff to actually use) numbers are high enough for 7 B-2 bombers or 63 F-22s in a single year, for example. The numbers are big enough to suggest that the Air Force has, at least, one active production line spitting out a non-prototype black aircraft model, and quite possibly several.

My guess is that the Navy's classified budget includes a big national missile defense component, and that the Army's piece is mostly small drones and counter-IED measures.

The defense agencies part is hardest to guess.

UPDATE: Nix the large drone theory. The plan to fly robot aircraft off aircraft carriers (the X-47) is public and has been awarded in a public bid (projected finish date in the year 2013). Presumably, the Air Force's parallel program (the X-45) will also be public. Also, the fact that they are only this far along in drone development on the Navy side argues against the existence a far more sophisticated black drone program.

Padilla Trial Likely Over Next Week

The trial of Jose Padilla and his two co-defendants will likely be over next week, with the jury then left to deliberate as long as necessary. Padilla will call no witnesses of his own and apparently doesn't plan to testify on his own behalf. His co-defendants have called a number of witnesses.

This leaves the defense to argue in closing argument that the case was not proved beyond a reasonable doubt. This is an easier task for Padilla than for most defendants, as the evidence against him is thin, and he benefits in part from being largely unmentioned in a trial that has revolved in both the prosecution and defense cases against the other people before the jury. By not testifying or offering evidence, he also avoids opening the door to additional evidence that could support a cas against him. But, not explaining yourself always carries risk. I'm not sure I'd be gutsy enough to take that approach.

Jury deliberations could be extended, given the length of the trial.